Elliot seeks to explain why the Spanish American Empire was an "empire of conquest" whereas the British Empire in the Atlantic was an "empire of commerce." He pushes back against classical "Black Legend" arguments that the differences were merely a result of culture and national character, and attributes them primarily to "accidents both of environment and timing" (28).
Following Louis Hartz, Elliot argues that the colonies were "fragments of the larger whole of Europe" but that, while "the moment of 'fragmentation' - of the founding of a colony - constituted a defining moment for the self-imaginging, and consequently for the emerging character, of [...] overseas societies," there were crucial differences between the Spain of the late 15th/early 16th century and England of the early 17th Century (xiv, xvii). Over the course of the century following Spanish colonization, England "saw the establishment of Protestantism as the official faith [...], a notable reinforcement of the place of parliament in English national life, and changing European ideas about the proper ordering of states and their economies" (xvii). The onset of the Reformation of England was. by the early 17th century, somewhat unsteady - "England under Elizabeth was moving, however reluctantly, in the direction of religious pluralism" - and the colonies provided a vent for the transfer of these "minority and libertarian elements" which led to colonial diversity (24). Castille, which had just successfully ousted the moors from Granada, was instead determined "to prevent the migration of Jews, Moors, and heretics to the Indies" (24).
Perhaps even more important then when colonies were founded is where. The Spanish Empire possessed "the easiest forms of wealth - silver and Indians" from the beginning (21). The presence of large mineral wealth deposits, and large, densely populated indigenous civilizations, both encouraged intervention from the center. By papal bull the Spanish crown was "the ultimate authority when it came to the protection of the Indians and the protection of their souls." As importantly, "the Indians were a source of tribute and of labour, and the crown was determined to have its share of both" (22). The presence of silver, meanwhile, "turn[ed] Castile's possessions in the Indies into a great reservoir of riches." "The consequent concern for the exploitation of its silver deposits and the safe annual shipment of the bullion to Seville was therefore translated into continuing attention to the affairs of the Indies..." (23).
The English settlements, by contrast, lacked mineral wealth and encountered considerably less dense indigenous populations (owing to both disease and differing political structures). "The lack of silver and indigenous labour in these early British settlements forced on the settlers a developmental as against an essentially exploitative rationale; and this in turn gave additional weight to those qualities of self-reliance, hard work, and entreprenuership that were assuming an increasingly prominent place in the national self-imagining and rhetoric of 17th-century England" (27). The absence of easy money limited royal interest, so that "the British crown maintained a relatively low profile in the crucial opening stages of colonial development" (27).
The remainder of the book is principally concerned with tracing how these societies develop and play out, but they always do so against the backdrop of the claims Elliot makes in the beginning about timing and environment. Yet I do have a few questions:
1) if the presence of large wealth stimulated metropolitan intervention, why did the crown not exert a greater influence over the Caribbean and Carolina colonies, where lucrative sugar and rice would have provided motivation for domination?
2) Building somewhat off that, how much of this is biased towards earlier settlements? Particularly in the English case, Elliot focuses on Virginia and New England (mainly Massachusetts Bay), founded between 1607 - 1630. Yet new colonies were being settled by the English in the Atlantic for the next century. Especially considering that the crown was actively trying to assert its sovereignty as early as the 1660s, what accounts for Georgia's autonomy? Why do the first couple of colonies get to set the tone for their successors?
3) Similarly, what of those regions of Spain's American Empire that were more commercially orientated and less urban? Did the crown (and the church) take a lesser interest in extending power here? Are we really talking, perhaps, not about the identity of an empire, but the identity of particular colonies, founded at different times?
I suppose the thrust of these questions is I would have liked more intra-imperial comparisons to showcase how metropolitan interest waxed and waned over time and space. I think this work has considerable value in showcasing the possible cause for the distinction between the Spanish and American Empires, but it doesn't completely satisfy, because the places the work focuses on are the areas the thesis is most likely to be true. No doubt this is a result of the scope of the volume, but I'd need to read follow-up works to judge the ultimate significance of time and environment.