Marksizmin önemli bir kesimi de dâhil olmak üzere, burjuva egemenlik teorisinde temellenen pek çok okuma, Lenin'i devletin ortadan kaldırılmasından çok devlet iktidarının ele geçirilmesinin teorisyeni olarak sunmuştur. Lenin’deki parti ve proletarya diktatörlüğü mefhumları, güç istencinin stratejik perspektifi yerine, iktidar istencinin diyalektik mantığı içinden yorumlanmıştır. Oysa Lenin’in en etkili vurgusu, güç ilişkilerindeki çatışma noktalarına, mücadeledeki öznelliklerin değişimlerine uygun olarak, örgütlenmenin de sürekli devrimcileştirilmesi gerektiğidir. Lenin’de örgütlenme, bedenlerin devrimci-oluşunun üretici gücüyle devinir, bu yüzden o daima öznellik üzerine yaratıcı bir çalışma olmalıdır. Antonio Negri, bu derslerinde, Lenin’in perspektifinin mücadeledeki bedenlerin arzuları ve ihtiyaçlarından ayrılamaz olan bu yaratıcı oluşumunu gözler önüne serer. Şimdi “Ne Yapmalı?” sorusu da yeni bir ışık altında görünmektedir. Bu stratejik soru, araçsallaştırma ve özdeşleştirme değil, üretme ve farklılaşma istencinin bir ifadesidir. Negri, Lenin’i günümüzün politik düşüncesine bu Leninist soru temelinde geri kazandırmaya girişir. Ama bu girişim, belki daha da akıl almaz gelecek bir sonuca varmaktadır. Lenin figüründe, şimdi politika da bir öznellik sanatı olarak geri kazanılmakta, çoktandır değersizleştirilmiş olan örgütlenme mefhumu, devrimin edimselliği olarak yeniden canlandırılmaktadır.
Antonio Negri was an Italian political philosopher known as one of the most prominent theorists of autonomism, as well as for his co-authorship of Empire with Michael Hardt and his work on the philosopher Baruch Spinoza. Born in Padua, Italy, Negri became a professor of political philosophy at the University of Padua, where he taught state and constitutional theory. Negri founded the Potere Operaio (Worker Power) group in 1969 and was a leading member of Autonomia Operaia, and published hugely influential books urging "revolutionary consciousness." Negri was accused in the late 1970s of various charges including being the mastermind of the left-wing urban guerrilla organization Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse or BR), which was involved in the May 1978 kidnapping and murder of former Italian prime minister Aldo Moro. On 7 April 1979, he Negri was arrested and charged with a long list of crimes including the Moro murder. Most charges were dropped quickly, but in 1984 he was still sentenced (in absentia) to 30 years in prison. He was given an additional four years on the charge of being "morally responsible" for the violence of political activists in the 1960s and 1970s. The question of Negri's complicity with left-wing extremism is a controversial subject. He was indicted on a number of charges, including "association and insurrection against the state" (a charge which was later dropped), and sentenced for involvement in two murders. Negri fled to France where, protected by the Mitterrand doctrine, he taught at the Paris VIII (Vincennes) and the Collège international de philosophie, along with Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Gilles Deleuze. In 1997, after a plea-bargain that reduced his prison time from 30 to 13 years, he returned to Italy to serve the end of his sentence. Many of his most influential books were published while he was behind bars. He hence lived in Venice and Paris with his partner, the French philosopher Judith Revel. He was the father of film director Anna Negri. Like Deleuze, Negri's preoccupation with Spinoza is well known in contemporary philosophy. Along with Althusser and Deleuze, he has been one of the central figures of a French-inspired neo-Spinozism in continental philosophy of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, that was the second remarkable Spinoza revival in history, after a well-known rediscovery of Spinoza by German thinkers (especially the German Romantics and Idealists) in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.
A lot of the typical (and possibly outdated) narrative of Lenin put in nearly impenetrable language. When Negri is being more original, I find his insights lacking and sometimes insipid (such as implying that we are already living under sociallsm because the law of value is no longer operative). Most of the text is just hot air.
A brilliant rereading and recontextualisation of Lenins work, from his conception of how the nature of capital shapes the strategy of revolution, the importance of dialectics, and an exceptional analysis of the State and Revolution and it's insights on the withering away of the state