Even though this book is long, meandering, academic and arduous, it is extremely well researched. Therefore for those who are curious about the 1962 China War, it is a must read.
There are two basic facts on which it is based.
One, that pacifist India assumed that its natural affinity (cultural and religious) with Tibet would be respected and understood by all, including the newly formed communist regime of China.
And two, that China with Mao at its helm, always viewed Tibet as its own territory and used India's good relations with Tibet cunningly and at the appropriate time to accuse it of imperialist intentions towards Tibet. It then used this 'accusation' as a convenient excuse to attack India - to save Communism from the evils of Imperialism!
These two aspects make it simple to comprehend the 1962 war between India and China and its triggering source - the border dispute between the two countries. A complex web of history, geography and political (mainly British) intrigue and subterfuge led to it. While China assiduously prepared to deal with it from 1950 itself, the unsuspecting India did not.
At both ends of the Himalayas, no-man's-lands still separated China and India when these became independent in the mid-twentieth century; their quarrel arose from the need to translate those zones into lines, and from the failure to agree on a method. There were two major areas of contention between the two countries, A & C as below:
A) Aksai Chin: (Desert of White Stones)
Contiguous with Ladakh, Aksai Chin, was demarcated as part of Indian territory by British India in the mid 19th century through a tripartite meeting between themselves, Tibet and China. In late 19th century (30 years later) the sleeping Chinese, who always claimed fealty, suzerainty, sovereignty (what have you) over Tibet, objected and discarded such a demarcation. This was the start of the border dispute between India and China in the 'North Western Frontier'.
b) With Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan converted into a chain of protectorates, the British were content to rest their boundary there beneath the Himalayan foot-hills. This became the safe (from rival powers) middle sector or the mid-section of the boundary between India and China which never came under any dispute.
C) The McMahon Line:
To the east of Bhutan lay a scattering of separate tribes, thinly populating a sixty-mile-broad belt of mountainous, densely jungled country. Here was another no-man's-land, acceptable as a frontier to those responsible (in this instance Britain) for the defence of India.
In 1915 a bilateral agreement between Tibet and Britain led to the McMahon map with the McMahon Line annexing some two thousand square miles of Tibetan territory into India (referred to as NEFA or the 'North Eastern Frontier' in this review).
The policy of the Indian Government that came into existence in 1947 diverged not at all from that of the departed British. India's stand was that the Sino-Indian boundaries had long been fixed by custom and tradition, and for the major part of their length confirmed by treaty and agreement.
The Tibetan Government was at this time seeking to give legal status and international recognition to the de facto independence it had enjoyed since 1911. The exclusion of China's authority from Tibet was plainly in India's interest both because of its cultural and religious affinity with Tibet and because the peace loving Tibet acted as a buffer zone between India and China.
However, as soon as the People's Republic of China was established (October 1st, 1949) the Chinese army marched into Tibet and made clear its intention to stake its exclusive claim over it.
Nehru's astonishingly naive support for the Chinese (by not supporting Tibet's appeal to the U.N.) was bitterly opposed in Parliament, especially by Sardar Patel who even warned him of dire future consequences of such a timid stance (when China was not in any position of strength) and urged him to show more gumption and aggressive support to ensure full independence for Tibet. Nehru of course turned a deaf ear to Patel's urgings and stuck to what was to become one of India's most bitter and sarcastic phrases - Hindi-Cheeni Bhai Bhai!
By 1958 the two no-man's-lands which the imperial era had left at opposite ends of the SinoIndian frontier had been occupied. On the NEFA side by India (the McMahon Line) and in the north western side by China (Aksai Chin).
The conflict of claims over Aksai Chin came into the open vide the discovery of a road by an Indian patrol party that China had built in that area - this road afforded a vital road link between Xinjiang and Tibet which was critical to the Chinese Army's logistics (for war) capabilities in Tibet.
However the first shooting affray of the boundary dispute took place on August 25th, 1959 at a place called Longju in NEFA. On the western front too things were moving slowly but surely towards collision. On October 21st in the same year an Indian patrol party of 70 was attacked by the Chinese and nine Indian soldiers were killed.
To searching and direct questions on India's preparedness for war if it came to that , Prime Minister Nehru loftily said 'I can tell this House', (Lok Sabha), 'that at no time since our independence, and of course before it, were our defence forces in better condition, in finer fettle....'
Such was a Prime Minister's self deception as later events were to show.
In late 1959 China suggested 'status quo' of the border dispute pending discussion and negotiation without any further military action by either side. This meant the McMahon Line as the definition of the border on the north eastern side, (which suited India), and the actual line of control which INCLUDED Aksai Chin as part of China as the north western frontier (Aksai Chin had all along been considered as part of Indian territory by India as well as Tibet).
The Indian Government, by aggressively describing the Chinese presence in Aksai Chin as an act of aggression, brought upon itself the obligation to do something about this. This was a classic self-acquired Catch-22 situation by the Indian government - India could not accept the Chinese presence in Aksai Chin and it did not have the capability to go into an all out war with the military might of China either.
So what did it do? It decided to flex its muscles by sending patrol parties into Aksai Chin in the hope that the barrel of the Chinese guns would not turn towards it and even if it did, the gun would only fire blanks! This approach came to be known as India's Forward Policy.
This knee-jerk righteousness exhibited by India was in sharp contrast to the methodical and soft-spoken manner in which the Chinese had been planning for such an eventuality for 12 years!
It's astounding to note Nehru's immaturity in this context - both in his political naïveté in comprehending the clear and present threat from China as well as his absence of understanding of India's unpreparedness for engaging in war on the physically punishing Himalayan frontiers. Furthermore his shameless weakness for wily navigators of nehruvian tributaries, who were also highly incompetent and unfit for the high positions they occupied (Defence Minister V K Krishna Menon and General B M Kaul, Chief of General Staff, being two such leading if flickering lights) sent India into unmanageable and suicidal terrains.
General Kaul pushed the armed forces into the implementation of the forward policy in the Aksai Chin area (sending patrols deep into Chinese occupied territories without any back up plan in case of armed reaction by by the 5 to 10 times stronger Chinese Army). General Thapar, his boss and the Chief of the Army (therefore Kaul's boss) disagreed but only in opinion. In mid 1961, China unambiguously warned India of retaliation by force, not only in the north-western sector but also in NEFA. Nehru and Company dismissed China's warnings as mere posturing!
Came November 1962. The Chinese had unlimited back up, Indians had zilch. It would be staggering to add here (but I must) the absence even of boots in the list of shortages our forward troops suffered from - rifles, guns, mortars, tanks, transport vehicles, ammunition and woollens) - furthermore these deprivations must be viewed alongside the prevailing weather conditions which were arctic in severity! These stark and bare facts would shortly freeze the blood of the entire Nation.
The brainless and diabolic bravado of General Kaul overruled protestations of other army commanders and ordered his own version of the forward policy in NEFA too where the Chinese were absolutely quiet and in observance of the McMahon Line, to set up more posts in eyeball to eyeball proximity of the Chinese posts. The terrain was so treacherous that our posts could not be easily reached in an emergency with any kind of support.
As late as October 1962 Nehru was still telling journalists that in NEFA the advantage lay with India. Plainly, there was deception somewhere; if Nehru was not deliberately misleading the public, then he had been deliberately misled by some of his senior military advisers including of course Generals Thapar and Kaul. Defence Minister Krishna Menon too must either have been woefully misled or wilfully misleading because it was he, in the absence of Nehru (who was incredibly in England) who ordered the Chief of the Armed Forces General Thapar to evict the Chinese from the Thag La ridge (north of Tawang in NEFA - today's Arunachal Pradesh), IF NEEDED BY FORCE.
There followed a spate of events and decisions too many and depressing to enumerate (including flight-out-of-fright by General Kaul to New Delhi on two occasions) of which the long and short was that on October 20th 1962 China attacked our troops who had been ordered into a suicidal mission to wrest the Thag La ridge from the waiting Chinese looking down at them.
(The order had been issued incredibly by General Kaul from the comfort of his warm bedroom in New Delhi.)
The Chinese attacked our forward positions simultaneously on the North Western front and by November 20th (exactly a month after the war had begun) our brave soldiers on the two frontiers had been decimated, routed, taken prisoner or driven out in totality - no organised Indian military force was left either in NEFA or in Aksai Chin.
On November 21st, out of the blue, the Chinese announced unilateral cease fire across the entire Sino-Indian border from East to West, and withdrawal of its troops. The War was over. The Chinese claimed they had not invaded India but only undertaken a short and punitive expedition.
Be that as it may, militarily the Chinese victory was complete, the Indian humiliation and defeat absolute.
A rumour (news) soon came that General Kaul had been taken prisoner by the Chinese. President Radhakrishan then made an observation which in a way underscored the complete humiliation that the Nation had suffered. He said that the news was "UNFORTUNATELY UNTRUE" - Gen Kaul had not been taken prisoner by the Chinese!!
In Parliament, Nehru sat silent. His old dominance of the House was gone for good and so was his reputation as a world leader (he had spearheaded the Non Aligned Movement but in panic had begged Kennedy for American Air strikes on the marauding Chinese Army).
As a nation too we lost stature and respect and its resultant psyche remains stigmatised in the minds of most Indians from that era.
In Nehru's defence it must be said that if he was not a member of a 3 judge bench (himself, Krishna Menon and Kaul) that had passed a death sentence on his troops, it was a mind-boggling error of judgment on his part both politically and militarily. But no matter how one chooses to interpret, I can't help but ask myself: What would a self-respecting politician do under such circumstances?
Historically, PM Nehru, tried to shield Krishna Menon and when his party refused to listen to him, he 'threatened' to resign himself. His bluff for once was called and he had to ask Def Minister Menon to resign. That was all that happened!
Less than two years later Nehru passed away, perhaps a broken and guilt-ridden old man.
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Footnote 1: In such a long book I was hoping to come across actual stories of high morals, valour and sacrifice but there are none that the author has recounted. It's a purely academic book. However some luminous names do shine through - Brig John Dalvi, General Daulat Singh, General Umrao Singh to name a few and finally towards the end General J N Choudhury and General Sam Maneckshaw who took over the reins from those who stood in disgrace.
Footnote 2: As a result of our seeking and getting support from the Americans in 1962, American arms aid to India continued. The Pakistanis protested in alarm. But when the aid did not stop, the Pakistanis got so incensed that they pushed thenselves into an attempt to shake Kashmir out of India's grip by force and this set off their three-week war in 1965. So in a contrived way the 1962 China invasion paved the way for the Indo-Pak war in 1965 that changed world political dynamics and affiliations to an astonishing degree.
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