Martin Seligman’s career began by his studying helplessness and moved gradually to his studying positive characteristics such as optimism. Seligman himself did not evolve from feeling helpless to feeling optimistic. In fact, this autobiography strangely does not draw many connections between Seligman’s work and life.
Seligman is a well-known psychology professor and author who teaches at the University of Pennsylvania. One of the ways Seligman made a name for himself was by developing the theory of “learned helplessness.” This is the idea that when animals (including people) come to believe that there is nothing they can do to overcome a bad situation in life, they give up; and acting helpless resembles depression in many ways. Importantly, people often continue to act helpless (depressed) even if, later on, they could overcome their bad situation.
Like most psychologists in the 1960s, Seligman adopted the traditional medical point of view regarding mental health, that mental health is nothing more than the absence of mental illness. If you are not diagnosed as schizophrenic, depressed, anxious, or suffering from any of the other 300+ disorders in the DSM, you are by default “healthy.” Over time, Seligman, along with many others, developed the field of “positive psychology,” which is based on the idea that mental health is not simply the absence of mental illness. Rather than just treating mental illness, positive psychology focuses on what is best in life: positive emotion, meaning, human progress, virtue, and flourishing.
One measure of mental health is the presence of (1) positive emotion, (2) engagement, (3) good relations, (4) meaning, and (5) accomplishment (PERMA). Seligman also developed a list of 24 “strengths” – character traits or virtues – that a person can possess. All of these strengths are worthwhile and can help a person succeed in life, and most people have some of the strengths more than others.
If you go to Seligman’s website “authentichappiness.org,” you can take self-assessment tests, including PERMA tests that measure how much you are “flourishing,” and a test called the “VIA Survey of Character Strengths” to rank your 24 character strengths. Seligman believes that psychology research can advance using Big Data techniques, such as his own website which collects data.
My ranking of the 24 character strengths, according to this self-assessment, were:
1. love of learning
2. forgiveness and mercy
3. judgment, critical thinking, and open-mindedness
4. self-control and self-regulation
5. curiosity and interest in the world
6. gratitude
7. fairness, equity, and justice
8. perspective wisdom
9. zest, enthusiasm, and energy
10. hope, optimism, and future-mindedness
11. industry, diligence, and perseverance
12. caution, prudence, and discretion
13. honesty, authenticity, and genuineness
14. humor and playfulness
15. modesty and humility
16. citizenship, teamwork, and loyalty
17. social intelligence
18. spirituality, sense of purpose, and faith
19. kindness and generosity
20. capacity to love and be loved
21. leadership
22. appreciation of beauty and excellence
23. creativity, ingenuity, and originality
24. bravery and valor
This book contains some discussion of how Seligman developed this list of character strengths. It was interesting to learn what qualities did NOT make the list: tolerance, chastity, physical fitness. Seligman does talk about meeting Raymond D. Fowler, who promotes the idea of exercise as a way to improve mental health. Wouldn’t the desire to be healthy and fit – temperance perhaps – be a character strength?
Traditional psychology is based on understanding a person’s past and current situation: their history, genetics, childhood, present life-situation, drives and motives. But Seligman has come to believe that mental health comes from the feeling of agency: the belief that a person can control their future. Thus, Seligman believes that psychology should focus more on prospection. People need to form a positive image of a possible future. In psychology, discovering what a person expects, intends, and desires in the future is usually a better starting-off point than asking about the past. One of the brain “circuits” this book discusses is the brain’s “default network,” which is active when a person is not focusing on a task. The same regions of the brain are stimulated when we are daydreaming, or thinking about the past, the future, or the minds of others.
Seligman writes that he came to believe that this “circuit” does simulations that help explain the nature of consciousness. His theory is that consciousness is the seat of agency. Agency consists in running simulations of possible futures and deciding among them. Agency is prospecting the future, and expectation, choice, decision, preference, desire, and free will are all processes of prospection. Maybe all this happens in the default network.
I think that other neuroscientists and philosophers might not agree with this theory. Brains switch back and forth from the default mode network (DMN) to the task-positive network (TPN). People whose brains are in DMN too much of the time tend to ruminate and suffer from anxiety and depression. Meditation techniques have been shown to “turn off” the DMN, allowing people to focus on the present moment. Some people believe that meditation makes people happier by getting them to stop worrying about the future and to stop ruminating about their failure to accomplish what they wish to accomplish. Also, this book oddly makes no mention of Daniel Dennett, whose theory of consciousness is almost the opposite of Seligman’s. Dennett, and others such as Sam Harris, believe that neuroscience proves that free will and agency are illusions.
The end of the book discusses research of Steven Maier, a neuroscientist who developed the theory that people do not actually learn helplessness. Rather, helplessness is an animal’s natural response to a bad situation such as physical pain. It is the animals that are able to overcome the bad situation who learn something: control. Specifically, neuroscience experiments show that when animals learn how to control their environment to escape a bad life situation, the dorsal raphe nucleus (DRN) sends 5-HT (serotonin) to the dorsal periaqueductal gray (dPAG) instead of the sending it to the amygdala. Stimulation of the dPAG=control (good); sending serotonin to the amygdala=helplessness (bad). This is the “hope circuit” of the brain. (or something like that)
Seligman writes that during his lifetime, psychology abandoned behaviorism/determinism and took cognition/conscious decision-making seriously. Now, the traditional psychotherapist who starts therapy by asking a patient to “tell me about your childhood” is less common; cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is much more common. Psychology has turned its attention from misery toward happiness. Although the psychology section of the book store still has information about treatments for mental illnesses, there are a lot more books without any discussion of mental disorders about how people can improve their mental health with positive psychology. Psychology began taking evolution and neuroscience seriously. The book Thinking, Fast and Slow summarizes current psychological theories based on evolution and neuroscience, not based on neuroses acquired in childhood. And finally, according to Seligman, psychology moved from an obsession with the past to researching how the brain thinks about the future.
Seligman believes that the trajectory of his own career paralleled this change in psychology. As a former president of the American Psychological Association (APA) and current author and academic, Seligman seems to have had a big impact on the direction of psychology (in the United States at least).
It was less clear whether Seligman believes that his own personal life was influenced by his own psychological theories. Seligman’s father was a civil servant in Albany, New York, who sent his “poor Jewish boy” to a boys, military-style, prep school with rich goyim. Seligman writes that he had an IQ of 185. He graduated summa cum laude from Princeton, taught at Cornell University, and he eventually became a professor at the University of Pennsylvania. He married and had two children, and then divorced and remarried and had five more children with his current wife. I didn’t get the sense from this autobiography that Seligman was happy and successful because he had adopted the principles of positive psychology. Rather, I got the sense that he achieved success through more conventional means. He was unhappy with his first marriage, so he left his first wife for another woman with whom he has had a happier marriage. He has doggedly pursued professional success, and his intelligence and hard work has brought him international preeminence in his field. He has taken advantages of opportunities whenever and wherever they were presented to him, including from religious and political conservatives, the CIA, and the military. Some people might argue that his high PERMA score is the result of being an old, rich, white, conservative man with a high IQ who achieved high status by adopting a somewhat apolitical and amoral attitude, not because of “positive psychology.” I wouldn’t go that far myself, but it seems like he has been motivated in his life not just by the desire to reduce human suffering, but also by common ambition.
I thought some of the stuff about academic politics was interesting. I had learned about the “sauce béarnaise” effect in Psych 101 at Cornell from Professor Jim Maas (referenced briefly in this book) in 1985; it was fun to hear about the origin of this concept. It was certainly a loss for Cornell that Seligman left after the 1969 takeover of Willard Straight Hall. It never occurred to me that there was and probably still is a schism between academic psychologists who research, publish and teach at universities and clinical psychologists who actually do the work of trying to help human patients. I think it’s to Seligman’s credit that he has tried to bridge that gap.
Overall, I enjoyed the book.