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256 pages, Hardcover
Published November 13, 2017
“For much of American history, essentially through World War II, the United States followed what today might be dismissed as a “protectionist” trade program, starting with America’s two most distinguished protectionists, George Washington and Alexander Hamilton. Under the American System, the United States sought to protect its industries from overseas competition, particularly when it came to manufacturing.
Moreover, protectionism was Republican orthodoxy. It was Democrats, especially Southern Democrats, who wanted free trade, so that they could better export cotton and other agricultural products, and import lower cost (if there were lower tariffs) foreign manufactured goods. Abraham Lincoln, the first Republican president, signed two tariff bills during the Civil War, and protectionism remained standard Republican policy through Herbert Hoover. [...]
"American economic nationalism is the birthright of, intellectually, not just conservatives, but the nation—from Alexander Hamilton to Jackson, Clay, Polk, Lincoln, all the way up to Teddy Roosevelt,” Bannon said. “The American System is laid out by Henry Clay. And by the way, they said that the most radical idea, as bad as anything that came out of the French Revolution, was free trade. The American System -- the first Trump guys were Hamilton, Jackson, Clay, Polk, Lincoln, and Roosevelt. A group of people that believed in American economic nationalism."
At the same time, Koffler gives some recognition to his flaws (his fiery temper, for one) while doing away with some of the sketchier rumors surrounding him (ex. the New York Times' histrionic fit over Bannon's making a reference to "deeply taboo, Nazi-affiliated thinker, Julius Evola", or what I think the author proves to be demonstrably specious claims of racism, anti-semitism or anti-Muslim. Consider:“The people that go after Islam qua Islam — it’s not Islam as a faith” that is the problem, Bannon asserted. “If you study Sufism [as Bannon has done], and particularly the eternal struggle that Islam calls for, I think that’s fine. It’s a path to enlightenment or a path to God…just like Judaism’s got its path, just like Christianity’s got its path. It’s not for anybody to determine what path an individual takes.” The path represents an “individuals’ understanding that the interior practice of the presence of God is the one thing that will separate…their [interior] life from exterior life. Everybody has to come to that through their own work.”
In that regard, “Islam, in fact, has a very powerful tradition,” he said. “One of the reasons for Jihad is that inner work on oneself,” Bannon said, referring to the concept of an individual’s internal struggle, not a rationale for attacking nonbelievers."
Of course, to recognize Bannon's (in some ways) laudable concerns is not to suggest that the reader feel compelled to agree with his functional political strategizing.
For example, in Koffler's account of Bannon's taking over Breitbart.com and indulging the whims of Milo Yiannopolous, he actually comes across as being rather naive about the alt-right ("The alt right, when it began, with Milo, at least I saw it, was just young, kind of almost libertarians, that were radical, you know, almost like patriots. These guys were the guys that kind of came from the chat boards, etc. And I said, they’re going to be an amazing innovative force”) -- reluctant to take notice of its more seedier, devious and problematic elements (see Angela Nagel's Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan And Tumblr To Trump And The Alt-Right) and dismissing it outright ("All that [racist] crap gets burned out over time").
Nor in the final chapters of the book did I find myself able to comprehend Bannon's enthusiasm for and early political investment in the Tea Party and Sarah Palin (see John Heilemann's Game Change: Obama and the Clintons, McCain and Palin, and the Race of a Lifetime) -- or his admiration for Donald Trump ("There’s a phrase I’m going to use that will shock you, that you never thought anybody would put together: Donald Trump and moral courage. I have never seen someone I admire more than Trump").
What is particularly baffling is how Bannon is portrayed by the author (and in many ways portrays himself in interviews) as being on the side of the worker and critical of the financial elites solely intent on making a profit, yet seems completely oblivious not only to Trump's history of shady and unethical business practices, but also the myriad ways in which Trump is exploiting his presidency for personal gain, for himself as well as his family. The sheer absence of any acknowledgement of this on the part of Bannon is striking.
All in all, I found Bannon: Always the Rebel interesting reading, especially if one has any interest in learning about Stephen Bannon the man -- as opposed to, say, Bannon as portrayed by the media and his critics.
Bannon believed that if America was going to retrieve its traditional culture, then the Tea Party had to succeed, because the Tea Party, in fact, was that culture, the dominant American culture of 1776 through the 1950s. "It's the voice of the working man and woman in this country," Bannon said during a February 2010 appearance on Sean Hannity's Fox News show. "It's the decent people who fight our wars, who run our civic organizations, who are the backbone of this country."
— From Bannon, Always the Rebel, by Keith Koffler, p. 116 [emphasis in original].