The United Nations began as the Second World War was ending; and the 50 signatories to the U.N. Charter that took effect in October of 1945 aspired to forge a new world order in which, it was hoped, future wars could be prevented. That goal still remains distant – at this time, according to Wikipedia, there are 60 separate armed conflicts, of varying scope and intensity, going on in different parts of the world today. But the U.N.’s mission of bringing nations together in peace still matters; and a review of the U.N.’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides useful insights into both how that mission began and how the organization has changed over the years.
The United Nations began as a shared initiative on the part of the victorious Allied Powers of the Second World War; and the meetings that got the organization underway took place in Washington, D.C., and also in San Francisco (a look-to-the-future city that itself could have made a fine home for the United Nations). Therefore, it is no surprise that some aspects of the language of the Universal Declaration have a decidedly Western, even American, sound to them. One hears Jeffersonian echoes in the Preamble’s assertion of the “equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family.” Similarly, Article 1 states that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”
And just as Jefferson modified the language of John Locke, changing Locke’s “life, liberty, and property” to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” so the Universal Declaration modifies Jefferson’s language, stating in Article 3 that “Everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of person.” That modification certainly seems understandable, considering how little security of person there had been in so much of the world during the long and terrible years of the Second World War.
There are plenty of parts of the Universal Declaration that are aspirational in nature; they represent an ideal to be hoped for, and certainly not a reality that has been achieved. When one looks, for example, at Article 4 (“No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms”), one reflects on the number of nations around the world today where, as reported by the International Anti-Slavery Society, human slavery in various forms is still practiced, in all its horror and cruelty. Estimates of the number of people still held in varying forms of slavery in the world today range from 21 million to 46 million.
Similarly, Article 5 against torture (“No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”) is, in a number of U.N. signatory nations, more honored in the breach than in the observance, as one can see from the number of countries around the world where torture is practiced with terrifying regularity. Amnesty International reported chronicling torture in 150 countries around the world between 1997 and 2001. For comparison purposes, there are 195 internationally recognized countries in the world today.
And Article 25, section 2 (“Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance”), is an article that one can reflect upon with sadness, if not bitterness, considering the situation of women and children in so many parts of the world. We remember how Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan was shot by the Taliban for advocating for education for women; her perfectly sensible declaration that an educated woman will be not only a more productive member of society, but also a mother better able to care for her children, was lost upon the religious fanatics who wanted her voice silenced. And the civil war-wracked West African nations where children were given rifles and pressed into service as child soldiers provide a particularly sad example of when children have been regarded, not as people with rights and dignity who embody and constitute the human future, but rather as resources to be exploited for the selfish purposes of the cruel and unscrupulous.
In the post-World War II era, it must have seemed that the soaring language of the Universal Declaration would embody the beginnings of a new and better world, free of the irrational cruelties of the past. Yet Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union on the one hand, and the three permanent Western members of the Security Council (Great Britain, France, and the United States of America) on the other hand, quickly meant that, even in the early days of the U.N., some of the provisions of the Universal Declaration were rendered invalid.
Citizens of divided post-war Germany, for example, might have read Article 13, part 2 (“Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country”) with a decided sense of irony. As Cold War divisions ended plans for a reunification of Germany, the American-, British-, and French-administered sections of the country united as Bundesrepublik Deutschland, the democratically governed Federal Republic of Germany; the Soviet-ruled sector of Germany meanwhile became Deutsche Demokratische Republik, the singularly undemocratic “German Democratic Republic.”
By 1961, the East German authorities had militarized the Inner German Border and completed the Berlin Wall to prevent East German citizens from escaping to the West. Therefore, if you had told an East German between 1961 and 1989 that he or she had the right to leave the D.D.R., under Article 13, part 2 of the Universal Declaration, then that East German might well have responded by laughing in your face - as long as said East German was reasonably sure that there wasn’t a Stasi agent listening close by.
The Soviet Union and other non-democratic states may have signed on to the Universal Declaration, but leaders like Soviet dictator Josef Stalin had no intention of abiding by its principles. Stalin, in accordance with the state-mandated atheism of the U.S.S.R., had opposed any inclusion of religious-freedom language in the Universal Declaration, but had relented at U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s insistence. Still, the Soviets, and those who thought like them, made the most of Article 29, section 2 (“In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society”).
Into that one little article, Stalin and his ilk found, they could squeeze a great deal of state control of the individual, all the while blathering on about how wonderfully democratic they were being. Far-right dictators like those in Cold War-era Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay were just as swift as the Soviets to find excuses for oppressing their people in the name of “public order” and “morality.”
And, looking to more recent history, the Kurds of today, as the numerically largest group of people on Earth without a nation of their own, might look askance at Article 15’s blithe declaration that “Everyone has the right to a nationality”; it is a matter of record that the Kurds routinely face discrimination in all of the countries where they are a cultural minority – a brutal reality most dramatically demonstrated by Turkey’s 2019 invasion of Kurdish areas of northern Syria.
The U.N., heaven knows, is not a perfect organization. Its peace-keeping efforts, while well-intentioned, have sometimes been singularly ineffective. The organization has faced accusations of corruption and mismanagement of funds under various secretaries. And as former colonial possessions gained their independence down the years, and the membership of the U.N. General Assembly changed from one dominated by prosperous Western nations to one where smaller, poorer countries of the developing world predominated, the U.N. has sometimes gone in some unproductive and sometimes simply wrong directions.
A particularly egregious example of a wrong turn by a United Nations body was the infamous U.N. General Assembly resolution in 1975 that equated Zionism with racism. Surely one can sympathize with the situation of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, and can work toward a political situation that will accommodate the rights, dignity, and identity of both the Israelis and the Palestinians, without stooping to language and ideas as grotesque as that.
And yet this re-reading of the Universal Declaration reminds me that the United Nations does have value, great value, as a place where nations can gather and talk in a forum that has been accepted as valid by virtually all the nations of the world. In 1983, when Soviet interceptor aircraft shot down a South Korean civilian airliner that had accidentally strayed into Soviet airspace, and when the Soviet government tried to lie about what their pilots had done, it was at the U.N. that the American ambassador to the U.N. played the tape that showed the whole world that the Soviets were lying.
More recently, when my wife and I traveled to Rwanda in the summer of 2016, the first thing we saw when we landed at the Kigali airport was a huge U.N. transport plane; and throughout our time in Rwanda, we saw how the U.N. is working, through a number of initiatives, to build lasting peace among the Rwandans whose nation was wracked by war and genocide in 1994.
The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that the ideal of respect for the human rights of all, of a world where humankind can speak of war in the past tense, will always be an ideal worth striving toward.