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Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India
Why has India’s astonishing economic growth not reached the people at the bottom of its social and economic hierarchy? Traveling the length and breadth of the subcontinent, this book shows how India’s “untouchables” and “tribals” fit into the global economy.
India’s Dalit and Adivasi communities make up a staggering one in twenty-five people across the globe and yet they remain among the most oppressed.
Conceived in dialogue with economists, Ground Down by Growth reveals the lived impact of global capitalism on the people of these communities. Through anthropological studies of how the oppressions of caste, tribe, region, and gender impact the working poor and migrant labor in India, this startling new anthology illuminates the relationship between global capital and social inequality in the Indian context.
Collectively, the chapters of this volume expose how capitalism entrenches social difference, transforming traditional forms of identity-based discrimination into new mechanisms of exploitation and oppression.
India’s Dalit and Adivasi communities make up a staggering one in twenty-five people across the globe and yet they remain among the most oppressed.
Conceived in dialogue with economists, Ground Down by Growth reveals the lived impact of global capitalism on the people of these communities. Through anthropological studies of how the oppressions of caste, tribe, region, and gender impact the working poor and migrant labor in India, this startling new anthology illuminates the relationship between global capital and social inequality in the Indian context.
Collectively, the chapters of this volume expose how capitalism entrenches social difference, transforming traditional forms of identity-based discrimination into new mechanisms of exploitation and oppression.
304 pages, Paperback
Published November 20, 2017
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October 7, 2025
1. What is this work about?
This work is mostly part of Left-wing, anti-capitalist perspective.
In this authors, show how capitalism hasn't done much, to mitigate inequality among many castes in India.
2. How is this book?
A Good work especially the parts, where you have stories of generations, caste-groups.
I am sharing from one of the chapters. Lot of references, detailed field-work makes me to recommend this to anyone interested in India, Caste, Indian History.
3. What is my own view of this book?
I am not for Left-wing, anti-capitalist perspective.
However, the authors have valid perspectives and something, Indians could work on figuring out?
How to include, some of the social-groups as part of inclusive growth?
4. Summary of the book
రావు ఆస్తిని కోరుకోవడం నీకు అసూయగా ఉందా?
ராவின் சொத்தின் மீது ஆசைப்பட்டு பொறாமைப்படுகிறாயா?
తెలంగాణ నుండి కథ
தெலுங்கானாவிலிருந்து கதை
Ground Down by Growth: Dalel Benbabaali writes about Bhadrachalam Scheduled Area in Telangana
An Interesting work, especially in helping to picture land-owning patterns in South-India, across social-groups.
This is from Bhadrachalam located in state of Telangana.
Koyas, Lambadas, Madigas, and Kammas, Reddys and Madigas are discussed. India Tobacco Company (ITC) has paper, tobacco factory and mills in the area, which is providing major employment.
Koyas are a indigenous people.
Lambadas, are recognized as Adivasi i.e original inhabitants.
Madigas are a Telugu-speaking community traditionally linked to leatherwork and agriculture related work. Kammas and Reddys are Telugu, speaking landowning communities.
In the author's survey, the key take away is land-ownership patterns, Land Transfer Regulation Act didn't work to protect lands of Tribes.
Kammas and Reddys, who are 12% of population, own 53% of land.
In this area, most of the land and wealth is concentrated in the hands of one Kamma family.
Rao and his four brothers.
அவருடைய சொத்தின் மீது ஆசைப்பட்டு நீ பொறாமைப்படுகிறாயா?
అతని ఆస్తిని ఆశించి నువ్వు అసూయపడుతున్నావా?
All of them inherited 50 acres from their father.
But Rao, the eldest, now controls 300 acres, even
if on paper he only owns 80.
He recently took over the land of his deceased brother, an anaesthetist practicing in Bhadrachalam town who died heirless in February 2015. Before that he had grabbed the property of another brother who was away in the United States working as a pediatrician.
Rao’s children are also working in the USA: one son as a software businessman, one daughter as a neurologist and another son as a cardiologist.
Rao was proud to tell me that the latter owns six hospitals and a private jet to fly between them, while showing me his family albums in his mansion, with ten rooms, marble floors, teak furniture and crystal chandeliers, on which he spent 15 million rupees (1.5 crore).
Though he studied only up to 7th grade, Rao dominates his brothers as well as the rest of the village, because of his political power.
The average property size of a Kamma landowning household, excluding the 300 acres controlled by Rao, is 10 acres, which provides a sufficient annual income without having to work on other people’s fields.
Among Kammas, the younger generation is better educated as the children are generally sent to the Indian Tobacco Company English-medium school in Sarapaka and then study in private colleges, mostly engineering, medicine and commerce.
Koyas’ first encounter with the Indian Tobacco Company was three decades ago, Koya men were offered permanent jobs by the company to compensate their loss of land, they preferred financial cash. Among the few who accepted, only one is still in the village, as others either died or moved to Sarapaka, closer to the factory. He is the wealthiest in his community, with a monthly salary of Rs.25,000 two years before retirement and an attractive four-bedroom house.
This family’s upward social mobility alienated them from other Koyas who disapprove of the way the paper factory employee left his widowed mother, now 80 years old, to live a miserable life in a hut just next to his house.
Madigas feel that the Koyas look down on them, but when asked about it, the latter deny it. Untouchability against the Madigas used to be practised mostly by the Kammas, but also by some Koyas who would not enter their houses.
Rao helped to win with his financial support and whose decisions he now commands.
Telugu Desam is a regional party dominated by the Kammas at the state level, whereas the Reddis control the Congress.
Rao, the president of the Telugu Desam farmers’ union, has erected in the centre of the village a golden statue of ‘NTR’, the Kamma founder of the party and ex-chief minister of the state, before his son-in-law Naidu took over.
Deus Vult,
Gottfried
This work is mostly part of Left-wing, anti-capitalist perspective.
In this authors, show how capitalism hasn't done much, to mitigate inequality among many castes in India.
2. How is this book?
A Good work especially the parts, where you have stories of generations, caste-groups.
I am sharing from one of the chapters. Lot of references, detailed field-work makes me to recommend this to anyone interested in India, Caste, Indian History.
3. What is my own view of this book?
I am not for Left-wing, anti-capitalist perspective.
However, the authors have valid perspectives and something, Indians could work on figuring out?
How to include, some of the social-groups as part of inclusive growth?
4. Summary of the book
రావు ఆస్తిని కోరుకోవడం నీకు అసూయగా ఉందా?
ராவின் சொத்தின் மீது ஆசைப்பட்டு பொறாமைப்படுகிறாயா?
తెలంగాణ నుండి కథ
தெலுங்கானாவிலிருந்து கதை
Ground Down by Growth: Dalel Benbabaali writes about Bhadrachalam Scheduled Area in Telangana
An Interesting work, especially in helping to picture land-owning patterns in South-India, across social-groups.
This is from Bhadrachalam located in state of Telangana.
Koyas, Lambadas, Madigas, and Kammas, Reddys and Madigas are discussed. India Tobacco Company (ITC) has paper, tobacco factory and mills in the area, which is providing major employment.
Koyas are a indigenous people.
Lambadas, are recognized as Adivasi i.e original inhabitants.
Madigas are a Telugu-speaking community traditionally linked to leatherwork and agriculture related work. Kammas and Reddys are Telugu, speaking landowning communities.
In the author's survey, the key take away is land-ownership patterns, Land Transfer Regulation Act didn't work to protect lands of Tribes.
Kammas and Reddys, who are 12% of population, own 53% of land.
In this area, most of the land and wealth is concentrated in the hands of one Kamma family.
Rao and his four brothers.
அவருடைய சொத்தின் மீது ஆசைப்பட்டு நீ பொறாமைப்படுகிறாயா?
అతని ఆస్తిని ఆశించి నువ్వు అసూయపడుతున్నావా?
All of them inherited 50 acres from their father.
But Rao, the eldest, now controls 300 acres, even
if on paper he only owns 80.
He recently took over the land of his deceased brother, an anaesthetist practicing in Bhadrachalam town who died heirless in February 2015. Before that he had grabbed the property of another brother who was away in the United States working as a pediatrician.
Rao’s children are also working in the USA: one son as a software businessman, one daughter as a neurologist and another son as a cardiologist.
Rao was proud to tell me that the latter owns six hospitals and a private jet to fly between them, while showing me his family albums in his mansion, with ten rooms, marble floors, teak furniture and crystal chandeliers, on which he spent 15 million rupees (1.5 crore).
Though he studied only up to 7th grade, Rao dominates his brothers as well as the rest of the village, because of his political power.
The average property size of a Kamma landowning household, excluding the 300 acres controlled by Rao, is 10 acres, which provides a sufficient annual income without having to work on other people’s fields.
Among Kammas, the younger generation is better educated as the children are generally sent to the Indian Tobacco Company English-medium school in Sarapaka and then study in private colleges, mostly engineering, medicine and commerce.
Koyas’ first encounter with the Indian Tobacco Company was three decades ago, Koya men were offered permanent jobs by the company to compensate their loss of land, they preferred financial cash. Among the few who accepted, only one is still in the village, as others either died or moved to Sarapaka, closer to the factory. He is the wealthiest in his community, with a monthly salary of Rs.25,000 two years before retirement and an attractive four-bedroom house.
This family’s upward social mobility alienated them from other Koyas who disapprove of the way the paper factory employee left his widowed mother, now 80 years old, to live a miserable life in a hut just next to his house.
Madigas feel that the Koyas look down on them, but when asked about it, the latter deny it. Untouchability against the Madigas used to be practised mostly by the Kammas, but also by some Koyas who would not enter their houses.
Rao helped to win with his financial support and whose decisions he now commands.
Telugu Desam is a regional party dominated by the Kammas at the state level, whereas the Reddis control the Congress.
Rao, the president of the Telugu Desam farmers’ union, has erected in the centre of the village a golden statue of ‘NTR’, the Kamma founder of the party and ex-chief minister of the state, before his son-in-law Naidu took over.
Deus Vult,
Gottfried
Displaying 1 of 1 review