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Class And Schools: Using Social, Economic, And Educational Reform To Close The Black-white...
It seems to be a common-sense argument that, if teachers know how to teach reading, or math, or any other subject, and if schools emphasize the importance of these tasks and permit no distractions, children should be able to learn regardless of their family income or skin color. But this perspective is misleading and dangerous. It ignores how social class characteristics in a stratified society like ours influence learning in school. For nearly half a century, the association between social and economic disadvantage and the student achievement gap has been well known to economists, sociologists, and educators. Most, however, have avoided the obvious implication of this understanding, that raising the achievement of lower-class children requires that public policy address the social and economic conditions of these children’s lives, not just school reform.
210 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2004
About the author
Richard Rothstein
25 books316 followersRichard Rothstein is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute and a Fellow at the Thurgood Marshall Institute of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. He lives in California, where he is a Fellow of the Haas Institute at the University of California–Berkeley.
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Displaying 1 - 19 of 19 reviews
July 2, 2015
Rothstein’s Class and Schools compiles empirical, quantitative studies that have investigated effects on child learning in school to show that children enter school with significant differences in abilities and potentials. These differences are caused by various factors such as class, race, health status, home situation, and so on—all factors typically outside the domain of influence of the school. Essentially Rothstein shows that, because children spend much of their time outside of schools—in their homes and communities, schools cannot be expected to solve all problems (or at least cannot be faulted for not being able to do so). Rothstein’s recommendations include moving some of the factors involved into the school or into the dominion of the state. For example, he suggests school health/vision clinics and increased supervision in before and after-school programs (and over the summer). Rothstein further suggests broader policy is needed to restructure the inequality outside of the school—for example, by providing stable, safe housing for low-SES communities.
I absolutely agree with Rothstein's conclusion: schools can’t fix all problems. What is unclear to me is (1) why this is a contentious point, and (2) that scientific quantitative ahistorical methods are best suited to answer this question.
In regard to (1): it is fairly well accepted in most other disciplines that focus on social phenomena—sociology, history, psychology, philosophy, others—that things never happen in a vacuum, that there are always relationships between what happens at home, at school, at work, in public and in private, in body and in mind, at the individual level and at the societal level. This is never something that has to be proven: it is always taken as a premise. Rothstein twists this logic on its head.
[He vaguely accuses a "They" for expecting schools to fix all ills, without any proof--In Rothstein: "Americans have come to the conclusion that the achievement gap is the fault of ‘failing schools’" (p. 1)—additionally, monolithic conceptions are suspect.
Which brings me to (2): it seems that if one were really trying to show how forces intersected to shape child learning, one might be much better served by historical methods. The unequal structures that still shape American society today that have roots in colonial times, in slavery, in the unique construction of racism in the United States. Rothstein acknowledges that there is a deep connection between race and class in the United States, but leaves the nature unspoken. Instead, he attempts to quantify the correlation between race and class, essentially trying to extricate the effects of race from class by a number.
Historically this construction is absurd. It ignores the fact that race and class have an intricate, intertwined history in America as they do nowhere else. It is here that the racialization of slavery occurred, here that class formation emerged along lines of race because of the nature of racialized slavery. Scholars have written about how racialization, or the construction of race, occurred during American slavery (for example as shown by Ira Berlin, professor of history at UMD in his various works including Ira Berlin, Generations of captivity: A history of African-American slaves. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press). Splitting the two by a number cannot be done in general, but in particular here in the United States, where class formation occurred along racialized lines institutionalized in slavery. This not a simple problem of addition—race and class are not distinct in any way that can be quantified by a number (as a ‘correlation’, or alleged overlap between the two separate phenomena—see figure below).
There is certainly a place for quantitative work in assessing schools, curriculum, and even individuals. However, to draw lines from what little quantitative data can tell us to implications for how people should live their lives (i.e., in school from ‘before-school’ programs through ‘after-school’ programs, 6am-8pm) seems far-stretched if the problem is placed in historical/holistic perspective. Then, it becomes clear that a whole structuring of society is at play, and that transformations of such structurings have historically taken centuries of gradual change in all aspects of society.
Schools have a long history of segregation in the United States: as old as this land has been colonized by English speaking settlers. From the very beginning (1600s) schools have been a mechanism of preservation (or enhancement) of the dominant culture. In the emergence of the common school (that occurred everywhere from the 1830s/40s in parts of the North through the 1870s in parts of the South), segregation was key to the organization and allocation of school resources and to dictating curriculum. Blacks, were, for example, encouraged towards schools of manual labor as women were trained to be good wives and white men continued on to Harvard et al (see, for example, Lawrence Cremin, American Education: The National Experience, New York, Harper & Row, 1980).
There are many other problems with the work: Rothstein speaks of 'averages' yet never shows us a distribution graph (what he means by 'averages' is distribution), he casually throws around the phrase 'black culture of underachievement' while never mentioning slavery and his white-maleness, he repeatedly confuses class and race without defining either, he uses his own ancestors (Jewish immigrants) as example of 'superior' adjustment over Italian immigrants in the States, he never examines his position/bias, he takes tests at their value and fails to critically examine who wrote the tests and for what purpose, ... and much more. He exalts middle-class culture as an ideal to be imparted upon the 'disadvantaged', he suggests we should attempt to assess "non-cognitive skills" like "tolerance, comprehension of pluralism, self-direction, responsibility, and commitment to craft" (p. 97); he is often contradictory, and at times even racist.
For example, Rothstein’s views on biology are either not genuine in the worst or contradictory in the least. On one hand, he writes that a “family’s economic, educational, and cultural traits are influenced by the genetic traits of the parents”; in other words, “smarter” parents have “smarter” babies and such reasoning (17). On the other, he says blacks and whites do not have inherent different genetics—but then again, whites do test “smarter”, according to him, and there is nothing wrong with the testing in essence (i.e., who constructs the tests, the framework tests follow, etc)... we are left to work out the ambiguities of the position on our own. What saves Rothstein’s ambiguity from more blatant expression is that he believes it’s essentially out of policy’s range at this point to regulate genetics or to do anything about them, so he “does not dwell on the possible genetic contributions” (p. 17).
This work is truly disturbing in its lack of critical examination, considering it claims its place within a critical tradition.
I absolutely agree with Rothstein's conclusion: schools can’t fix all problems. What is unclear to me is (1) why this is a contentious point, and (2) that scientific quantitative ahistorical methods are best suited to answer this question.
In regard to (1): it is fairly well accepted in most other disciplines that focus on social phenomena—sociology, history, psychology, philosophy, others—that things never happen in a vacuum, that there are always relationships between what happens at home, at school, at work, in public and in private, in body and in mind, at the individual level and at the societal level. This is never something that has to be proven: it is always taken as a premise. Rothstein twists this logic on its head.
[He vaguely accuses a "They" for expecting schools to fix all ills, without any proof--In Rothstein: "Americans have come to the conclusion that the achievement gap is the fault of ‘failing schools’" (p. 1)—additionally, monolithic conceptions are suspect.
Which brings me to (2): it seems that if one were really trying to show how forces intersected to shape child learning, one might be much better served by historical methods. The unequal structures that still shape American society today that have roots in colonial times, in slavery, in the unique construction of racism in the United States. Rothstein acknowledges that there is a deep connection between race and class in the United States, but leaves the nature unspoken. Instead, he attempts to quantify the correlation between race and class, essentially trying to extricate the effects of race from class by a number.
Historically this construction is absurd. It ignores the fact that race and class have an intricate, intertwined history in America as they do nowhere else. It is here that the racialization of slavery occurred, here that class formation emerged along lines of race because of the nature of racialized slavery. Scholars have written about how racialization, or the construction of race, occurred during American slavery (for example as shown by Ira Berlin, professor of history at UMD in his various works including Ira Berlin, Generations of captivity: A history of African-American slaves. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press). Splitting the two by a number cannot be done in general, but in particular here in the United States, where class formation occurred along racialized lines institutionalized in slavery. This not a simple problem of addition—race and class are not distinct in any way that can be quantified by a number (as a ‘correlation’, or alleged overlap between the two separate phenomena—see figure below).
There is certainly a place for quantitative work in assessing schools, curriculum, and even individuals. However, to draw lines from what little quantitative data can tell us to implications for how people should live their lives (i.e., in school from ‘before-school’ programs through ‘after-school’ programs, 6am-8pm) seems far-stretched if the problem is placed in historical/holistic perspective. Then, it becomes clear that a whole structuring of society is at play, and that transformations of such structurings have historically taken centuries of gradual change in all aspects of society.
Schools have a long history of segregation in the United States: as old as this land has been colonized by English speaking settlers. From the very beginning (1600s) schools have been a mechanism of preservation (or enhancement) of the dominant culture. In the emergence of the common school (that occurred everywhere from the 1830s/40s in parts of the North through the 1870s in parts of the South), segregation was key to the organization and allocation of school resources and to dictating curriculum. Blacks, were, for example, encouraged towards schools of manual labor as women were trained to be good wives and white men continued on to Harvard et al (see, for example, Lawrence Cremin, American Education: The National Experience, New York, Harper & Row, 1980).
There are many other problems with the work: Rothstein speaks of 'averages' yet never shows us a distribution graph (what he means by 'averages' is distribution), he casually throws around the phrase 'black culture of underachievement' while never mentioning slavery and his white-maleness, he repeatedly confuses class and race without defining either, he uses his own ancestors (Jewish immigrants) as example of 'superior' adjustment over Italian immigrants in the States, he never examines his position/bias, he takes tests at their value and fails to critically examine who wrote the tests and for what purpose, ... and much more. He exalts middle-class culture as an ideal to be imparted upon the 'disadvantaged', he suggests we should attempt to assess "non-cognitive skills" like "tolerance, comprehension of pluralism, self-direction, responsibility, and commitment to craft" (p. 97); he is often contradictory, and at times even racist.
For example, Rothstein’s views on biology are either not genuine in the worst or contradictory in the least. On one hand, he writes that a “family’s economic, educational, and cultural traits are influenced by the genetic traits of the parents”; in other words, “smarter” parents have “smarter” babies and such reasoning (17). On the other, he says blacks and whites do not have inherent different genetics—but then again, whites do test “smarter”, according to him, and there is nothing wrong with the testing in essence (i.e., who constructs the tests, the framework tests follow, etc)... we are left to work out the ambiguities of the position on our own. What saves Rothstein’s ambiguity from more blatant expression is that he believes it’s essentially out of policy’s range at this point to regulate genetics or to do anything about them, so he “does not dwell on the possible genetic contributions” (p. 17).
This work is truly disturbing in its lack of critical examination, considering it claims its place within a critical tradition.
June 7, 2017
This is a bit dated now but is readable, well documented and on point for this very important topic.
September 29, 2011
excellent explanation of the socioeconomic factors influence preparation and ability to learn, limiting the degree to which school-based reforms can be effective in narrowing income and race achievement gaps. very well written and argued.
August 12, 2008
One of my first reads for my PhD program - very interesting look at education reform as only one part of a social policy overhaul that will be necessary if the US is serious about closing the "achievement gap." Both interesting and heartbreaking as I realize that our national government is unlikely to take $156 billion dollars and use it to improve social programs for poor families with children.
November 15, 2012
I think Rothstein did a good job of identifying the challenges that disadvantaged, low-income children face. However, I think Rothstein's failure to address specific school reform measures disadvantages him and the argument he is trying to advance in the mainstream policy world. That said, I think Rothstein's account also suffers from his failure to address poor academic outcomes among other minority groups.
Read
August 13, 2008awful, he complains about other research lacking concrete numbers, yet does the same thing himself. very pessimistic.
July 16, 2026
As someone working in educational leadership while also studying school finance, I picked up Richard Rothstein's Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic, and Educational Reform to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap hoping to better understand the relationship between educational equity and the broader systems that shape students' lives. Although the book was published in 2004, I found many of its central ideas still relevant.
Rothstein's main argument is straightforward: schools alone cannot eliminate the Black-White achievement gap because many of the factors influencing student success begin long before children walk through the school doors. He makes a compelling case that if we truly want to improve educational outcomes, we also have to address issues like poverty, stable housing, health care, early childhood education, and access to after-school and summer programs. Throughout the book, he also explores the strengths and limitations of standardized testing and reminds readers that qualities like leadership, perseverance, and citizenship matter just as much as test scores, even though they're much harder to measure.
One passage especially stuck with me:
That quote challenged me to think differently about where the responsibility for improving student outcomes truly belongs. I appreciated that Rothstein doesn't let educators off the hook. Instead, he argues that we have an important responsibility, not only to provide great instruction, but also to advocate for the social and economic conditions that help children succeed. That felt like the heart of the book to me.
I also spent a little time looking at how others responded to the book. The reviews I found, written shortly after its publication, praised Rothstein's research and his willingness to challenge the idea that school reform alone can close achievement gaps. At the same time, some reviewers questioned whether policymakers would ever embrace reforms that extend beyond education into housing, health care, and economic policy.
One of the most interesting parts of reading this book was remembering that it was written in 2004. Some of the statistics, examples, and even the language reflect the time in which it was written, and there were moments where I caught myself thinking, "We definitely wouldn't say it that way today." At the same time, it reminded me how much our conversations about race, disability, and educational equity have evolved. I found myself wishing Rothstein would publish an updated edition. I'd love to see how he'd compare the data from 2004 with what we know today and reflect on how the conversation around educational equity has evolved.
Overall, I enjoyed the book and would recommend it to educators, school leaders, and anyone interested in educational equity or school policy. Even if some of the data and language feel dated, the bigger question Rothstein asks still feels incredibly relevant: How much can schools realistically accomplish if society isn't also willing to address the conditions that shape students' opportunities to learn?
Rothstein's main argument is straightforward: schools alone cannot eliminate the Black-White achievement gap because many of the factors influencing student success begin long before children walk through the school doors. He makes a compelling case that if we truly want to improve educational outcomes, we also have to address issues like poverty, stable housing, health care, early childhood education, and access to after-school and summer programs. Throughout the book, he also explores the strengths and limitations of standardized testing and reminds readers that qualities like leadership, perseverance, and citizenship matter just as much as test scores, even though they're much harder to measure.
One passage especially stuck with me:
No society can realistically expect schools alone to abolish inequality. If students come to school in unequal circumstances, they will largely, though not entirely, leave school with unequal skills and abilities...
That quote challenged me to think differently about where the responsibility for improving student outcomes truly belongs. I appreciated that Rothstein doesn't let educators off the hook. Instead, he argues that we have an important responsibility, not only to provide great instruction, but also to advocate for the social and economic conditions that help children succeed. That felt like the heart of the book to me.
I also spent a little time looking at how others responded to the book. The reviews I found, written shortly after its publication, praised Rothstein's research and his willingness to challenge the idea that school reform alone can close achievement gaps. At the same time, some reviewers questioned whether policymakers would ever embrace reforms that extend beyond education into housing, health care, and economic policy.
One of the most interesting parts of reading this book was remembering that it was written in 2004. Some of the statistics, examples, and even the language reflect the time in which it was written, and there were moments where I caught myself thinking, "We definitely wouldn't say it that way today." At the same time, it reminded me how much our conversations about race, disability, and educational equity have evolved. I found myself wishing Rothstein would publish an updated edition. I'd love to see how he'd compare the data from 2004 with what we know today and reflect on how the conversation around educational equity has evolved.
Overall, I enjoyed the book and would recommend it to educators, school leaders, and anyone interested in educational equity or school policy. Even if some of the data and language feel dated, the bigger question Rothstein asks still feels incredibly relevant: How much can schools realistically accomplish if society isn't also willing to address the conditions that shape students' opportunities to learn?
July 17, 2017
While I did not agree with all the arguments/opinions expressed in the book, it was an enjoyable read in the sense that it contained a concentrated dose of meaningful discussion. The current state of education (generally speaking) in the United States can be a depressing topic when trying to consider solutions to, what seem to be, insurmountable obstacles. Though the problems are numerous and the solutions difficult to agree upon and implement, truly understanding the magnitude of the obstacles and their catalysts is wildly underrated. This book should not only be read and considered by policy advocates but by parents as well (and perhaps more so).
July 31, 2016
We once had a speaker on a professional development day, a man from a group called the Efficacy Institute. The gentleman presented all of the teachers in the district where I work with statistical evidence showing that there is a large gap between the performance of white students and students of color. The racial achievement gap, as he told us, is a national phenomena, but be that as it may, we needed to address the issue in our district.
I thought he was going to be lynched. People were, literally, standing up and shouting at him on the stage. I've never seen anything like it before or since. So much for an open conversation about race.
I know all about the racial achievement gap because I got an M.Ed from an urban college (U. Mass Boston), because I taught in an urban school (Dorchester High School), and because I am a bit of a nerd. I was unsurprised by the presenters information, as I was unsurprised by the response of the largely white crowd of teachers who were only moments away from chanting "Crucify him! Crucify him!" before he left the stage. The district where I work is diversifying very rapidly, and the teaching and administrative staff don't quite get what that means for us. Our school district is becoming browner, poorer, and more urban each year. Along with these three things comes an increased achievement gap between our white students and our minority students. It's just reality.
As to why this happens, and what should be done about it...therein lies the rub. Class and Schools was written by a liberal economist working for a liberal school of education at a liberal college. The author presents many facts, figures, graphs, and data sets (albeit all ten years old at this point) to hammer home the fact the African American, immigrant, and Hispanic children are not doing very well in our schools. They don't do well in minority-majority schools. They don't do well in integrated schools. They don't do well in affluent schools. In fact, they don't do well in college, for the most part, or when they take tests to become teachers or cops or civil servants. The achievement gap starts in pre-k and continues right on through college.
The author places the root cause of all this unpleasantness on social class (or, as we say in these politically correct times, "Socio-economic status"). Kids who are poor do poorly in school. Kids who were poor at some point do less well than kids who have never been poor. Kids who are solidly middle class, or affluent, do better than kids who are poor, or near poverty. And--since race and poverty are so closely intertwined...voila!
The author spends a good bit of time debunking common remedies for closing the racial achievement gap (KIPP schools, test scores, rigorous curriculums, draconian discipline, high quality teachers,etc.) while recognizing that many of these ideas are helpful, but not sufficient. Charters and vouchers get discarded, too, not because they are bad, but because they are not very good at solving the problem.
Probably the best part of this book, for me at least, was the discussion about non-cognitive skills like diligence, delayed gratification, self-esteem, interpersonal communications, and things like that (contrasted with what the author called "anti-social behaviors"). Schools do not teach or test these skills in any meaningful way, as we do not measure things like civic involvement, volunteerism, citizenship, or character.
What then are the solutions? Easy: greater income equality, more access to health care services, integrated neighborhoods and schools, quality housing, and a lot of extracurriculars targeted at poor and minority kids. Ten years ago, the price tag this economist put on these programs, implemented nationally, was $156 billon dollars per year (slightly more than $12k per kid per year). We would save some money on reduced special education spending, so it's not as much as it sounds, but there are the numbers.
The current craze in education is to punish teachers for having poor kids. Our evaluations will reflect test scores, and since test scores are so closely linked to socioeconomic status, you can imagine what will happen. Teachers in affluent all white districts will do well, teachers in more poor, more minority-heavy districts will not. It is as predictable as the tides. Even thought you can be a great and dedicated teacher whose kids do not test well or do well in school, we will continue to do this national Kabuki until the next great round of reforms are delivered from on high.
The unimaginable waste in human capital that we allow each year in our country is amazing to me. We need all the smart people we can get, but (for one example) the city of Philadelphia is so broke, and so poorly run that they can't even open their schools on time this year. Literally: no opening day scheduled for the thousands of kids in Philly this year. What will become of those kids? The next Michael Jordan, the next Albert Einstein, the next Steven Spielberg, the next Bill Gates, the next Condi Rice...rotting on the vine.
Books like this help contextualize what I see each day in my work. Unless I start giving out nice houses in safe neighborhoods, provide nutritious meals in emotionally secure families, then add a few visits to the pediatrician and a few weekends in museums, I am not going to blame myself for America's dysfunctions. I will, though, be blamed for them.
And then it's time to decide.
I thought he was going to be lynched. People were, literally, standing up and shouting at him on the stage. I've never seen anything like it before or since. So much for an open conversation about race.
I know all about the racial achievement gap because I got an M.Ed from an urban college (U. Mass Boston), because I taught in an urban school (Dorchester High School), and because I am a bit of a nerd. I was unsurprised by the presenters information, as I was unsurprised by the response of the largely white crowd of teachers who were only moments away from chanting "Crucify him! Crucify him!" before he left the stage. The district where I work is diversifying very rapidly, and the teaching and administrative staff don't quite get what that means for us. Our school district is becoming browner, poorer, and more urban each year. Along with these three things comes an increased achievement gap between our white students and our minority students. It's just reality.
As to why this happens, and what should be done about it...therein lies the rub. Class and Schools was written by a liberal economist working for a liberal school of education at a liberal college. The author presents many facts, figures, graphs, and data sets (albeit all ten years old at this point) to hammer home the fact the African American, immigrant, and Hispanic children are not doing very well in our schools. They don't do well in minority-majority schools. They don't do well in integrated schools. They don't do well in affluent schools. In fact, they don't do well in college, for the most part, or when they take tests to become teachers or cops or civil servants. The achievement gap starts in pre-k and continues right on through college.
The author places the root cause of all this unpleasantness on social class (or, as we say in these politically correct times, "Socio-economic status"). Kids who are poor do poorly in school. Kids who were poor at some point do less well than kids who have never been poor. Kids who are solidly middle class, or affluent, do better than kids who are poor, or near poverty. And--since race and poverty are so closely intertwined...voila!
The author spends a good bit of time debunking common remedies for closing the racial achievement gap (KIPP schools, test scores, rigorous curriculums, draconian discipline, high quality teachers,etc.) while recognizing that many of these ideas are helpful, but not sufficient. Charters and vouchers get discarded, too, not because they are bad, but because they are not very good at solving the problem.
Probably the best part of this book, for me at least, was the discussion about non-cognitive skills like diligence, delayed gratification, self-esteem, interpersonal communications, and things like that (contrasted with what the author called "anti-social behaviors"). Schools do not teach or test these skills in any meaningful way, as we do not measure things like civic involvement, volunteerism, citizenship, or character.
What then are the solutions? Easy: greater income equality, more access to health care services, integrated neighborhoods and schools, quality housing, and a lot of extracurriculars targeted at poor and minority kids. Ten years ago, the price tag this economist put on these programs, implemented nationally, was $156 billon dollars per year (slightly more than $12k per kid per year). We would save some money on reduced special education spending, so it's not as much as it sounds, but there are the numbers.
The current craze in education is to punish teachers for having poor kids. Our evaluations will reflect test scores, and since test scores are so closely linked to socioeconomic status, you can imagine what will happen. Teachers in affluent all white districts will do well, teachers in more poor, more minority-heavy districts will not. It is as predictable as the tides. Even thought you can be a great and dedicated teacher whose kids do not test well or do well in school, we will continue to do this national Kabuki until the next great round of reforms are delivered from on high.
The unimaginable waste in human capital that we allow each year in our country is amazing to me. We need all the smart people we can get, but (for one example) the city of Philadelphia is so broke, and so poorly run that they can't even open their schools on time this year. Literally: no opening day scheduled for the thousands of kids in Philly this year. What will become of those kids? The next Michael Jordan, the next Albert Einstein, the next Steven Spielberg, the next Bill Gates, the next Condi Rice...rotting on the vine.
Books like this help contextualize what I see each day in my work. Unless I start giving out nice houses in safe neighborhoods, provide nutritious meals in emotionally secure families, then add a few visits to the pediatrician and a few weekends in museums, I am not going to blame myself for America's dysfunctions. I will, though, be blamed for them.
And then it's time to decide.
December 6, 2023
Great read for anyone interested in school reform and closing the achievement gap! Rothstein gives a comprehensive of underlying disparities contributing to the gap and provides recommended solutions.
September 3, 2009
I read this book for work, but it's a book that I think everyone interested in education should read. In this book, Richard Rothstein examines the specific causes behind the achievement gap and debunks some of the myths behind the blind assertion that every child can learn, if just given the right curriculum and teachers, regardless of his or her socio-economic class. In reality, as many educators know, the vast majority of children from poor families start their educational careers at a vast disadvantage, and this disadvantage only widens as their education progresses.
In many ways, this book is a blistering indictment of our society, in that our refusal to look with a critical eye to the causes of the achievement gap and to seek easy fixes to close the gap only perpetuates it, and, in many ways, widens it.
This book is very well-researched and well thought-out. The argument is very convincing, not to mention depressing. In many ways, this could be a call for health care reform. Not surprisingly, children who have excellent healthcare do better in school.
Rothstein closes the book with some further insights and recommendations on how the gap might be closed. In a nice touch, he includes an estimate of the additional cost (and potential savings) of each recommendation in terms of per pupil spending.
In many ways, this book is a blistering indictment of our society, in that our refusal to look with a critical eye to the causes of the achievement gap and to seek easy fixes to close the gap only perpetuates it, and, in many ways, widens it.
This book is very well-researched and well thought-out. The argument is very convincing, not to mention depressing. In many ways, this could be a call for health care reform. Not surprisingly, children who have excellent healthcare do better in school.
Rothstein closes the book with some further insights and recommendations on how the gap might be closed. In a nice touch, he includes an estimate of the additional cost (and potential savings) of each recommendation in terms of per pupil spending.
August 15, 2008
A solid and complete review of the impact of class and race on student outcomes. I can't give it 5 stars, because although I find his evidence and analysis very compelling, I disagree with about half of his policy recommendations. He takes an especially large and unsupported leap by saying we must first reform wealth distribution to improve the distribution of student achievement. I disagree completely. There are many other solutions, some even that he suggests, that can counter the negative effects of a large wealth gap. Student health centers, enriching after school and summer activities, and incentives for higher quality teachers to teach in poorer schools are just a few.
November 5, 2012
Rothstein is the man! I had the opportunity to take a class taught by Rothstein, a former NYTimes Education columnist and Harvard-educated economist, a few years back and was blown away. This guy is wicked smaht.
Truthfully, if you want a complete analysis about "the achievement gap" and what needs to happen to at least narrow the gap, read this book. Medical clinics, stable housing, quality preschool, extended school days and school year IN ADDITION to quality teaching, high expectations is the thrust of Rothstein's book. There are race, class, social and economic policies issues to consider, very complex and probably expensive issues that society needs to address in a serious manner.
Truthfully, if you want a complete analysis about "the achievement gap" and what needs to happen to at least narrow the gap, read this book. Medical clinics, stable housing, quality preschool, extended school days and school year IN ADDITION to quality teaching, high expectations is the thrust of Rothstein's book. There are race, class, social and economic policies issues to consider, very complex and probably expensive issues that society needs to address in a serious manner.
March 17, 2011
Anyone, everyone should read this book. A great explanation of what contributes to the achievement and how its so much more than just schools. It tries to show that "eliminating the social class differences in student outcomes requires eliminating the impact of social class on children in American society." Good focus on the long term effects of education, not just cognitive skills, effects for both individuals and our society as a whole.
July 2, 2009
This book takes a serious look at the nation's achievement gap, and give viable explanations for why it exists and ways we can lessen it. We are a nation at risk, but not because of test scores, but because we're perpetuating a social hierarchy that leaves children behind. Very informative, and a necessary read for any person entering the education field.
Read
June 30, 2012The people who wrote NCLB, Race to the Top, and every other piece of educational policy should read this book and consider ways in which public funds can be better spent to make an authentic difference in education.
June 29, 2010
I found this book to be extremely insightful. Provides a really clear picture of the educational inequalities that exists among blacks and whites.
September 11, 2011
An important book for educators, parents, and sociologists to read because it speaks to how our American society is complacent with the crappy state of public education.
February 23, 2012
I'm reading this for my External Environments class...but it's very interesting reading.
Displaying 1 - 19 of 19 reviews