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The Weimar Republic: The Crisis of Classical Modernity
The nature of Weimar's terminal crisis - how a politically liberal and culturally progressive society could succomb to fascism - remains one of the central historical questions of our century. In this major work, Detlev J.K. Peukert offers a stimulating interpretation that not only places Weimar in the history of twentieth-century Germany but also reveals it as an archetype of the ambivalences and pathologies of advanced industrial society.
360 pages, Paperback
First published April 1, 1991
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August 28, 2011
This is a borderline-but-not-quite five star book. Possibly in German it would make that fifth star, but the prose of the translation is at times a bit awkward. It is certainly the best overview of the period available, essential for anyone serious about studying modern Germany. Peukert synthesizes a great deal of scholarship, presenting the findings of historians from different camps and attempting to create unified narrative without giving short-shrift to viewpoints other than his own. Generally, this means taking a middle road between opposing positions, and wisely acknowledging that the truth often lies between the extremes. There are two concepts he introduces which are more or less original: the first was a generational analysis of the leadership of the Republic, pointing out how holdovers from previous regimes differed with their own political allies when their experiences led them to see the world in a different light (for example, socialists born before the founding of the Wilhelmine Empire may have had unexpected commonalities with conservatives of that age group, and differences with younger socialists). The second is the more complex idea of a "crisis in classical modernity," which much of the book leads up to. He avoids turning this into a Sonderweg theory - the fall of the Republic in his view was not inevitable, at least not until the early 30s - but tries to demonstrate factors and tensions that built as Germany reluctantly entered modernity after a lost war and under the pressures of a contested self-identity. This concept is not entirely compelling, in part because "modernity" and "modernization" remain unclear, but it is an interesting attempt nonetheless, and even without its central arguments the book is a wealth of fascinating information compiled into a readable narrative. As one example of the strength of this book, see his section on the connection between the campaign of passive resistance in the Ruhr and the super-inflationary policies of the government (52-61). Little is said here that cannot be found elsewhere, but rarely is it presented with such clarity and succinctness. The same may be said for much of the rest of the book.
December 4, 2008
In my opinion the best book ever written on the Weimar Republic. Well-written, well-researched and creatively-organized, it his synthesis of huge swaths of primary and secondary literature which makes this magisterial. It would have been difficult indeed to have imagined another, better book on a period of history upon which so much has been written, but that is what Peukert did.
His early death was a blow.
I am unsure of who to recommend this to but it does assume some knowledge of German and European history.
His early death was a blow.
I am unsure of who to recommend this to but it does assume some knowledge of German and European history.
October 3, 2016
The Weimar Republic: The Crisis of Classical Modernity, by Detlev J.K. Peukert, is a book on the history of the Weimar Republic in Germany, which lasted from the post WWI era to the election of the National Socialists under Adolf Hitler in the early 1930's. Peukert notes that the exact day of birth and death of the Republic is controversial, as political upheaval lasted in Germany until the early 1920's, and Hitler himself was elected into the Weimar system by making use of its unstable coalition system and divided political base.
Peukert examines the political, economic, social and cultural systems in place during the Weimar period, as well as the growth of radical right wing politics and nostalgic totalitarianism which began to take hold in the early 1930's. Germany in this period was obviously in flux; it had lost a war, lost 10% of its population, large swathes of territory, and became completely isolated in the world state system. It was beset by radical socialist, Communist and right wing movements, characterized by the Communist revolution in Bavaria in 1919, which led to the execution of local dignitaries by Communist revolutionaries, and a subsequent crackdown by radical right wing Freikorps, who committed executions and violence of their own. Germany's economy was in shambles; it was paying deeply humiliating reparations payments to Allied powers, its industrial Saarland region was politically disconnected from it and was being eyed hungrily by French politicians, and the massive demographic and economic destruction of total war was setting in. This was also a period of social and cultural upheaval; young people were flaunting established cultural norms in favour of a more liberal lifestyle, racial tensions in Europe were on the rise with the post war nationalism boom that characterized most European states, crime was taking root in peoples perceptions, and the destruction of the Wilhemine state disrupted established elites in favour of new ones.
The Weimar system attempted to combat all of these issues, while reestablishing Germany as a great power in the world. Weimar politicians began to experiment with massive socialist reforms, introducing state welfare, healthcare systems, education and subsidies to those in need. It also experimented implemented trade unionism, while trying to maintain corporatist ideals to woo large firms. Social and cultural norms began to be established, with ideals such as Eugenics, combating asocial attitudes, and combating crime beginning to take root (and popularized with devastating cruelty during the Third Reich). Experimental economics was attempted, with reforms leading at first to the dreaded hyperinflation, but eventually greater financial stability - not enough, however, to please the voting public. Foreign policy initiatives were also attempted. Western rapprochement after the Rhineland crisis of 1923, where French troops occupied the region to force tardy reparations payments, led to a policy of conciliation in exchange for concessions by Western powers. War debt realignment took place with the help of American economists, Germany joined the League of Nations, and border adjustments were made with France and Belgium, while French troops were withdrawn from the Rhineland. Germany also looked East. It began to work at destabilizing Poland to try and gain back lost territories. It signed a tentative military agreement with the USSR, attempted a customs union with Austria, and signed a rapprochement agreement with Czechoslovakia.
Even so, the Weimar era is known as an era of failure. Its Republican experimentation led to coalition systems which encouraged adopting radical right or left parties in order to gain majority rule. This often led to the drifting of political ideals in order to appease new coalition partners. Radical Socialism was on the rise as well, with trade unions competing with ultra nationalist industrialists to try and gain working rights and benefits. The left began to splinter as the Communist KPD adopted the hardliner attitude dictated by the Comintern in 1927/1928, and the Socialists began to move toward the Centralist liberal parties to gain coalition favour. However, as we all know, radical nationalism was on the rise as well. Nostalgia for the days of the monarch, racial prejudices, the rising crime rate from the hyperinflation of the 1920's, and the economic crisis of the 1930's made radical right or left politics an appealing option. However, the splintering of the left into competing Communist, Socialist, and centre left parties split support. The movement to the right, although marked by its own divisions, had certain characteristics, like a longing for more authoritarian rule, racism, a desire to right the wrongs of the Versailles treaty, and border adjustments, as unifying factors.
Peukert's book covers all of these topics. The book is characterized by a highly academic writing style, and well equipped with demographic charts and statistical analysis of various economic, social and political trends in Weimar Germany. Peukert looks at the Weimar era, not just as an era of failure, as it is characterized now with the benefit of hindsight, but as one of radical experimentation with social and Republican policies to try and please all parties, unite Germany, and integrate it into a world system beginning to be marked by cooperation, peace and prosperity. Unfortunately, the speedbumps it hit, namely the economic crisis' of the 20's and 30's, growing radical politics from both Communist and Nationalist sources, extreme racism, and the conflict of classes, social groups and cultures, caused it to collapse. Peukert's book is highly interesting, and is recommended as a source of information on a period that is strangely underrepresented in modern history books. This period has been written off as one of worthless coalition politics and extremist socialist ideals, but instead should be seen as a valiant attempt for Germany to move on in an era very different from pre-WWI. Recommended for those interested in German history and political nitty-gritty.
Peukert examines the political, economic, social and cultural systems in place during the Weimar period, as well as the growth of radical right wing politics and nostalgic totalitarianism which began to take hold in the early 1930's. Germany in this period was obviously in flux; it had lost a war, lost 10% of its population, large swathes of territory, and became completely isolated in the world state system. It was beset by radical socialist, Communist and right wing movements, characterized by the Communist revolution in Bavaria in 1919, which led to the execution of local dignitaries by Communist revolutionaries, and a subsequent crackdown by radical right wing Freikorps, who committed executions and violence of their own. Germany's economy was in shambles; it was paying deeply humiliating reparations payments to Allied powers, its industrial Saarland region was politically disconnected from it and was being eyed hungrily by French politicians, and the massive demographic and economic destruction of total war was setting in. This was also a period of social and cultural upheaval; young people were flaunting established cultural norms in favour of a more liberal lifestyle, racial tensions in Europe were on the rise with the post war nationalism boom that characterized most European states, crime was taking root in peoples perceptions, and the destruction of the Wilhemine state disrupted established elites in favour of new ones.
The Weimar system attempted to combat all of these issues, while reestablishing Germany as a great power in the world. Weimar politicians began to experiment with massive socialist reforms, introducing state welfare, healthcare systems, education and subsidies to those in need. It also experimented implemented trade unionism, while trying to maintain corporatist ideals to woo large firms. Social and cultural norms began to be established, with ideals such as Eugenics, combating asocial attitudes, and combating crime beginning to take root (and popularized with devastating cruelty during the Third Reich). Experimental economics was attempted, with reforms leading at first to the dreaded hyperinflation, but eventually greater financial stability - not enough, however, to please the voting public. Foreign policy initiatives were also attempted. Western rapprochement after the Rhineland crisis of 1923, where French troops occupied the region to force tardy reparations payments, led to a policy of conciliation in exchange for concessions by Western powers. War debt realignment took place with the help of American economists, Germany joined the League of Nations, and border adjustments were made with France and Belgium, while French troops were withdrawn from the Rhineland. Germany also looked East. It began to work at destabilizing Poland to try and gain back lost territories. It signed a tentative military agreement with the USSR, attempted a customs union with Austria, and signed a rapprochement agreement with Czechoslovakia.
Even so, the Weimar era is known as an era of failure. Its Republican experimentation led to coalition systems which encouraged adopting radical right or left parties in order to gain majority rule. This often led to the drifting of political ideals in order to appease new coalition partners. Radical Socialism was on the rise as well, with trade unions competing with ultra nationalist industrialists to try and gain working rights and benefits. The left began to splinter as the Communist KPD adopted the hardliner attitude dictated by the Comintern in 1927/1928, and the Socialists began to move toward the Centralist liberal parties to gain coalition favour. However, as we all know, radical nationalism was on the rise as well. Nostalgia for the days of the monarch, racial prejudices, the rising crime rate from the hyperinflation of the 1920's, and the economic crisis of the 1930's made radical right or left politics an appealing option. However, the splintering of the left into competing Communist, Socialist, and centre left parties split support. The movement to the right, although marked by its own divisions, had certain characteristics, like a longing for more authoritarian rule, racism, a desire to right the wrongs of the Versailles treaty, and border adjustments, as unifying factors.
Peukert's book covers all of these topics. The book is characterized by a highly academic writing style, and well equipped with demographic charts and statistical analysis of various economic, social and political trends in Weimar Germany. Peukert looks at the Weimar era, not just as an era of failure, as it is characterized now with the benefit of hindsight, but as one of radical experimentation with social and Republican policies to try and please all parties, unite Germany, and integrate it into a world system beginning to be marked by cooperation, peace and prosperity. Unfortunately, the speedbumps it hit, namely the economic crisis' of the 20's and 30's, growing radical politics from both Communist and Nationalist sources, extreme racism, and the conflict of classes, social groups and cultures, caused it to collapse. Peukert's book is highly interesting, and is recommended as a source of information on a period that is strangely underrepresented in modern history books. This period has been written off as one of worthless coalition politics and extremist socialist ideals, but instead should be seen as a valiant attempt for Germany to move on in an era very different from pre-WWI. Recommended for those interested in German history and political nitty-gritty.
June 3, 2025
An absolute page turner, which is insane for a book that is essentially a textbook. I really appreciated that it was big picture supported by small realities to support the text. I fricken loved the awareness of Peukert to stress that NOTHING IS PREDETERMINED or INEVITABLE. People make history happen, were are not Calvanist here. Honestly, the book really blew my mind about the Weimar Republic, its problems and also its triumphs. It was more akin to a ship in rough seas and the seamen decided it would be better to abandon ship then weather it. I think it did a particularly great job at explaining the conditions and people who created the situation that allowed the Nazis/NSDAP to come to power as it did. Absolutely peak that the communist and Social Democrats were to busy fighting each other to recognize the real threat (albeit they did not know what the Nazis actually entailed in power). I remember taking several classes related to the Holocaust and German history but this was stellar at filling in the gaps and challenging my own pop culture stances that Ive allowed to seep in. I did also think it was fun to see all the predictions of an EU and a dominate Germany in that EU.
"Hitherto, only Soviet Russia had declared that the meeting of citizens' basic social needs was a goal of the state." P. 132 WOKE WEIMAR
"...young Communist were drawn towards the radicalized political counter-culture of the Weimar left by a sense of disillusion" P. 151 RELATABLE
"Protestant cleric Gunter Dehn observed: If we were to ask them about the meaning of and purpose of life, the only answer they could give would be: 'We don't know what the purpose of life is, and we're not interested in finding out. But since we are alive, we want to get as much out of life as we possibly can..." P. 178.
I just really liked that answer "but since we are alive"
"Hitherto, only Soviet Russia had declared that the meeting of citizens' basic social needs was a goal of the state." P. 132 WOKE WEIMAR
"...young Communist were drawn towards the radicalized political counter-culture of the Weimar left by a sense of disillusion" P. 151 RELATABLE
"Protestant cleric Gunter Dehn observed: If we were to ask them about the meaning of and purpose of life, the only answer they could give would be: 'We don't know what the purpose of life is, and we're not interested in finding out. But since we are alive, we want to get as much out of life as we possibly can..." P. 178.
I just really liked that answer "but since we are alive"
May 17, 2010
I found the first half, which was more synoptic, more interesting than the second half, which was more given to some specifics of social history -- but without being as intensely analytical as I would have hoped, or as detailed and thorough as would be required. Given all the superlatives I had heard about this book, I confess I was slightly disappointed. Perhaps I had too high an expectation.
(I've been reading this one for a few days - slowly - it is absolutely crammed full of insights -)
(I've been reading this one for a few days - slowly - it is absolutely crammed full of insights -)
April 18, 2022
During the end of March my wife and I had a delayed honeymoon to Paris. In the lead up to going I wanted to learn more about modern European history, as I am a modern US and modern Latin American historian by trade. Of course, you can't learn about modern European history without learning about the Nazis, and you can't really learn about the Nazis without learning about what came before. When I saw this book on the shelf at a used bookstore, I knew I had to get it.
This book ultimately is sort of a history of the Weimar Republic, but it's also an overview and analysis that presupposes at least some understanding of the time period. A lot of this book is spent analyzing what caused the crisis of the Weimar Republic, which the author essentially argues was caused by a combination of material hardship and struggles with the rapid pace of modernity. I finished the book convinced by his main arguments, but I still found myself unimpressed by some of his reasoning. If I could I'd give this book 3.5 stars.
Basically, Peukert knows his stuff and that comes across in this book. The problem is that his analytical insights are inconsistent in quality. When he's delving into very specific factors that contributed to the rise and fall of Weimar Germany he's brilliant, and a lot of the stuff he wraps up with in the end of the book is really enlightening and interesting. But throughout the book when he zooms out and speaks in more general terms, he speaks in broad, platitudinal strokes that lazily rehash generic moderate liberal thoughts and talking points.
The worst offense here is when he speaks of the KPD/German communists. When he analyzes the circumstances of what makes people communists and talks about specific things the communists did as a coalition he covers them fairly well, but when he zooms out to make broad conclusions he often talks about them as if they were just as bad as the Nazis. Now, communism has rarely worked out in the real world as ideally as it has in theory for a variety of reasons (including harsh repression, but that does not excuse the real mistakes made by communists either), but to lazily describe the KPD and Nazis as two totalitarian extremes in contrast to the "democratic" center (which he even points out contained plenty of anti-democratic seeds itself) is doing a huge disservice to historical accuracy.
There were a few other issues that were less ideologically motivated but just as lacking in precision and nuance, but that was the main one. With that said, though, I still considered this a helpful and insightful read overall. I'll read other books about the Weimar Republic, and when all is said and done I doubt this one will end up being my favorite. But even still, I'm glad I read it, and if you're looking to read multiple books about the Weimar Republic this one should probably be on your list.
This book ultimately is sort of a history of the Weimar Republic, but it's also an overview and analysis that presupposes at least some understanding of the time period. A lot of this book is spent analyzing what caused the crisis of the Weimar Republic, which the author essentially argues was caused by a combination of material hardship and struggles with the rapid pace of modernity. I finished the book convinced by his main arguments, but I still found myself unimpressed by some of his reasoning. If I could I'd give this book 3.5 stars.
Basically, Peukert knows his stuff and that comes across in this book. The problem is that his analytical insights are inconsistent in quality. When he's delving into very specific factors that contributed to the rise and fall of Weimar Germany he's brilliant, and a lot of the stuff he wraps up with in the end of the book is really enlightening and interesting. But throughout the book when he zooms out and speaks in more general terms, he speaks in broad, platitudinal strokes that lazily rehash generic moderate liberal thoughts and talking points.
The worst offense here is when he speaks of the KPD/German communists. When he analyzes the circumstances of what makes people communists and talks about specific things the communists did as a coalition he covers them fairly well, but when he zooms out to make broad conclusions he often talks about them as if they were just as bad as the Nazis. Now, communism has rarely worked out in the real world as ideally as it has in theory for a variety of reasons (including harsh repression, but that does not excuse the real mistakes made by communists either), but to lazily describe the KPD and Nazis as two totalitarian extremes in contrast to the "democratic" center (which he even points out contained plenty of anti-democratic seeds itself) is doing a huge disservice to historical accuracy.
There were a few other issues that were less ideologically motivated but just as lacking in precision and nuance, but that was the main one. With that said, though, I still considered this a helpful and insightful read overall. I'll read other books about the Weimar Republic, and when all is said and done I doubt this one will end up being my favorite. But even still, I'm glad I read it, and if you're looking to read multiple books about the Weimar Republic this one should probably be on your list.
November 25, 2015
I will have to read this book again. This should not be the first book one reads on the Weimar republic as it requires knowledge and opinions about the major players and events. Little did the world know how many lives depended on a more successful outcome.
didnt-finish
November 9, 2016Relevant.
February 21, 2023
The book is a timeless historiographical masterpiece. Peukert's chronical depiction of the Weimar Republic from its revolutionary beginning to the tragic ending is captivating enough for non-academic readers like myself, who are more comfortable with a story-telling format when it comes to history. Yet there was never a lack of analytical depth for scholars to sink their teeth into serious topics such as the electoral evolution of the Republic and the social/economic/political backdrop of such evolution. Spoiler alert, Peukert doesn't think Weimar's instable governing coalition before the Great Depression can be ascribed to a "pincer movement by the far right and far left". This is to large extend a recurring and somewhat puzzling theme throughout the book: Peukert never hesitated to pinpoint the weakness of pro-republic center parties such as SPD, Catholic Central and Liberals, yet he doesn't subscribe to the fatalistic view of the inevitable rise of Nazi in Germany.
Another persisting theme of the book, as its title hinted is "the crisis of modernity". Peukert sees the collapse of Weimar of as a consequences of the unbearable promises of Modernity, from welfare state to parliamentary democracy. For a regime that is not economically capable to maintain the welfare spending, nor ideologically appealing to the mass, and above all never wield strong political power to fend off attacks from the anti-democratic enemies, the lofty idea of the republic democracy was crashed under its own weight.
The book features some highly original ideas in studying Weimar, including the innovative analytical framework of political generations and social milieux. Those analysis adds textures to more traditional perspectives of political fragmentation and economic crisis of the Weimar era. Overall, notwithstanding relatively light touch on Weimar's culture, the book is a comprehensive study of Weimar Germany's history, a must read for anyone who is interested in this peculiar history.
Another persisting theme of the book, as its title hinted is "the crisis of modernity". Peukert sees the collapse of Weimar of as a consequences of the unbearable promises of Modernity, from welfare state to parliamentary democracy. For a regime that is not economically capable to maintain the welfare spending, nor ideologically appealing to the mass, and above all never wield strong political power to fend off attacks from the anti-democratic enemies, the lofty idea of the republic democracy was crashed under its own weight.
The book features some highly original ideas in studying Weimar, including the innovative analytical framework of political generations and social milieux. Those analysis adds textures to more traditional perspectives of political fragmentation and economic crisis of the Weimar era. Overall, notwithstanding relatively light touch on Weimar's culture, the book is a comprehensive study of Weimar Germany's history, a must read for anyone who is interested in this peculiar history.
June 1, 2018
Incredibly in depth. All the reviewers love it. Can’t disagree but I’m no expert. I enjoyed how he clearly showed the involvement of the different generations in various eras. So important and rarely discussed clearly by others.
October 20, 2017
A classic. An incredible work for those interested in Weimar.
December 20, 2020
Excellent, but dense.
March 8, 2021
Right on the money.
April 15, 2024
damn…chaotic times in germany for sure
December 8, 2024
this >>>
read it for the reading german history class and immediately knew this is a book i will keep returning to!
read it for the reading german history class and immediately knew this is a book i will keep returning to!
December 4, 2008
In my opinion the best book ever written on the Weimar Republic. Superbly-written, creatively-organized and well-researched. It would have been difficult indeed to have imagined another, better book on a period of history upon which so much has been written but that is what Peukert did. His early death was a blow.
August 18, 2011
I hate to say that I hardly remember this book, and I hate to admit that it was a bit more academic and dry than I'd liked it to be, but it was. Not really pleasure reading, but a good source of information.
April 27, 2009
I can now admit that I like this book. However, when I was being forced to read it for grad school, I wasn't such a fan.
July 21, 2010
Very good, very comprehensive.
May 16, 2016
Probably the best available overview of the Weimar Republic in an academic but easy to read book.
Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews