I first read this when I was in grad school (so long ago that I wasn't even writing reviews on Goodreads yet) but had forgotten how ponderous and odd the pacing is. I guess that's why I gave it three stars the first time around.
The second read was befuddling. So much potential. So very much. Perhaps too much. Morton is looking at a microcosm, from historical standards, just one year in one place. But even one year in one place is too much and Morton makes the mistake of waffling between doing a survey and doing a narrow-focus seminar, a schizophrenia affects the readability of the book. Too many characters, too many strings, too many stories, too many side quests. It is in need of a judicious editor to pare it down. Or, perhaps, divide it into two books. Or three.
All of that said, there are some insightful moments, like this one that is basically the nutshell around which Morton's history is built; why is Vienna so different than other European cities?
"Geography is destiny. Henceforward Vienna had to be both throne room and fortress. There was a good reason why the Imperial Palace was called the Hofburg, 'Court Fortress.' More than once the battering ram of the Turk drove at Vienna's ramparts. Through a long historic stretch the town was, simultaneously, traumatized by war and exalted by intimacy with the crown. As a result it never went through normal urban development by way of a gradual unfettering of the middle class. The sword of the knight and the flourish of the courtier marked its streets, not the common sense of the tradesmen. There was very little physical or psychological room inside these ramparts for bourgeois growth. Sometimes the guilds managed to assert civic independence, but in the end the Imperial overseers always carried the day. In other, comparable Western capitals burgherdom thrived along with practicality, efficiency and industry. Not in Vienna."
Or this one
"... in Vienna the accomplishment of actual success did not count for as much as the accomplished gesture. A physician, for instance, was expected to make housecalls in a two-horse fiacre. Freud could not afford a fiacre ... one hour a week he lectured at the University to a scant audience of eight or nine (sometimes eked out by friends for the looks of the thing). The honorarium was a few pennies above nil. Yet the gesture let Freud call himself Universitatsdozent on his shingle."
And we think current society is too "performative." We didn't invent the concept at all. We supersized it with social media, yes. But it was always there. And it was there, in spades, in late 19th century Vienna, where Freud --and Bruckner and Klimt and Mahler -- all strive for the recognized relevancy that history would eventually give them but which seemed out of reach to them as they went about their day-to-day lives.
The larger theme of the book is the foiled liberalism of this era; in Germany Crown Prince Friedrich died paving the way for Kaiser Wilhelm's nationalistic conservatism. And, in the Hapsburg empire, the liberalism of Crown Prince Rudolf died when he did, leaving Franz Joseph without a direct heir.
It's a leap to assume that had Rudolf not died by suicide World War I would have looked different; one of the main reasons Rudolf ended his life was his frustration with his political impotency and Franz Joseph lived until 1916, when WWI was well underway. Had Rudolf been alive, would he have been able to talk Franz Joseph out of declaring war on Serbia, setting off the dominoes?
Not likely, based on this telling. Franz Joseph was not particularly fond of his son's politics and worked to marginalize him. And this marginalization, both by the crown and by the people, drove Rudolf to his death.
"...Rudolf had to playact his way through the usual ceremonial chores . . . mostly he concealed himself and his resentment beneath his official graciousness ... but he had to keep smiling. He had to smile while sitting for a portrait commissioned by the City Council. One hundred and sixty copies of it would go as Christmas gifts to one hundred and sixty schools throughout the municipality. He was wonderfully popular. But most Viennese did not recognize him as a modern leader who wanted to raise the proletarian to bourgeois; who wanted to encourage the middle class so that its fruits -- science, efficiency, progress -- might cure the Empire's languid rot. Too many Austrians saw him with an entirely unenlightened adulation as a high gallant, the hero of a living fairytale."
And this is indeed the crux of the book. If only Morton hadn't let himself get so entangled with side quests.
"By such a paradox Vienna attained greatness after all. It bred the geniuses who foretold the modern wound. And Rudolf, too, became in time a sad but significant precursor. He was the herald of an alienation common to the youth of our day. Over him loomed Franz Joseph, a storybook incarnation of The Establishment. Today The Emperor has been computerized into a system willing to grant its children lordly perquisites and sexual license while remaining resistant to all essential reform. Under today's system the young often appear to be a generation of Rudolfs: free and glamorous in theory, crushingly impotent in action; freely skeptical yet unable to establish one skeptic-proof premise; free to see themselves as unbounded individuals without ever arriving at successful individuality; free to press pleasure to numb excess; free to demand the absolute of their senses and their ideals only to be failed by both, overprivileged and hapless at once; free to sound the depths of sophisticated frustration. The shots in the Vienna Woods were fired in 1889. Today and every day hundreds of other unnerved fingers are already crooked into hundreds of other triggers. Each time we hear of another strange young death in a "good" house we hear of another Mayerling."
Morton wrote this in 1979. It is just as true today, in 2023.
History doesn't really repeat itself as much as cycle through the same existential themes. Over and over and over again.