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Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union
"Great biography leaves an indelible view of the subject. After Remini's masterful portrait, Clay is unforgettable." ―Donald B. Cole, Newsday Among the nineteenth-century Americans, few commanded the reverence and respect accorded to Henry Clay of Kentucky. As orator and as Speaker of the House for longer than any man in the century, he wielded great power, a compelling presence in Congress who helped preserve the Union in the antebellum period. Remini portrays both the statesman and the private man, a man whose family life was painfully torn and who burned with ambition for the office he could not reach, the presidency.
818 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1991
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April 12, 2023
Henry Clay was a titanic figure on the American political scene during the first half of the nineteenth century and the late Dr. Robert Remini did him honor with Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union. Clay's career mirrored the trajectory of U.S. politics from the generation of the Revolution to the threshold of the Civil War. This era saw the domination of America by the contest between Jacksonian democrats and the nation's Great Triumvirate of John C. Calhoun, Daniel Webster and Henry Clay. These three have declined in recognition in recent decades, but they towered over public discourse between 1812 and the 1850s.
The most prominent of the triumvirs was Clay. As a political figure, he commanded the national scene during a time that witnessed the transition of public concerns from arguments over a national bank, tariffs, and internal improvements to those over expansionism and slavery. Clay had a lust for life. He was castigated as a gambler, drinker, ladies' man, and duelist – and he was all of those. But also he was lauded as an orator of rare gifts, a persuasive politician, and an accomplished statesman. A three-time presidential candidate, Clay excelled as a member of the House of Representatives -- acting as its Speaker for three separate terms. He served sixteen years in the U.S. Senate and as Secretary of State in the administration of John Quincy Adams. Clay was a member of the commission which negotiated the Treaty of Ghent that settled the War of 1812. Throughout his public career, he continued to practice law. He argued before the U. S. Supreme Court many times and introduced the concept of the Amicus Brief into Supreme Court jurisprudence. Former Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated two of his cases were cited 28 times during her tenure on the court and another case has been cited 86 times overall.
Clay earned the appellation “The Great Pacificator” for being the driving force behind the three crucial compromises – the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the resolution of the Nullification Crisis in 1833, and the Compromise of 1850 – which defused sectional animosities and delayed the Civil War. Some said if Clay had lived another ten years, the South may not have seceded in the 1860s – he would have forged a compromise.
Perhaps Clay's greatest fame came as a nationally-renowned orator. In a time of limited entertainment options, his Senate debates with John C. Calhoun, Thomas Hart Benton and many Jacksonians were attended by throngs of private citizens, House members (including John Quincy Adams), foreign diplomats, and ladies by the score. The Capitol building was often flooded with listeners. He delivered public speeches to crowds of thousands in almost every major city and town in the United States. His speeches were reprinted and distributed throughout the nation as valuable newspaper copy. Clay's bound speeches sold widely. The Frankfort Commonwealth prophesied “In five hundred years to come, it is not probable that an opportunity will occur to elevate his equal. Greece produced but one Demosthenes; Rome but one Cicero; and America, we fear, will never see another Clay.”
Perhaps one of Clay's most significant legacies was his impact upon a young congressman from Illinois. Abraham Lincoln was in the audience for Clay's famous Lexington speech of November 1847. Lincoln considered Clay “my beau ideal of a statesman” and adopted much of his political ideology himself. The young Lincoln revered “The Great Pacificator” because of the Kentuckian's commitment to the Union, his economic nationalism, and his dedication to the gradual elimination of slavery.
Remini's Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union is a serious academic study of the distinguished American statesman and founder of the Whig Party, but Professor John Niven wrote “Remini's Clay is what modern, readable, scholarly biography ought to be, but rarely is.” I couldn't agree more. Dr. Remini earned Five Stars from me. His book should find its way to the shelf of any reader with a deep interest in antebellum American political life.
The most prominent of the triumvirs was Clay. As a political figure, he commanded the national scene during a time that witnessed the transition of public concerns from arguments over a national bank, tariffs, and internal improvements to those over expansionism and slavery. Clay had a lust for life. He was castigated as a gambler, drinker, ladies' man, and duelist – and he was all of those. But also he was lauded as an orator of rare gifts, a persuasive politician, and an accomplished statesman. A three-time presidential candidate, Clay excelled as a member of the House of Representatives -- acting as its Speaker for three separate terms. He served sixteen years in the U.S. Senate and as Secretary of State in the administration of John Quincy Adams. Clay was a member of the commission which negotiated the Treaty of Ghent that settled the War of 1812. Throughout his public career, he continued to practice law. He argued before the U. S. Supreme Court many times and introduced the concept of the Amicus Brief into Supreme Court jurisprudence. Former Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated two of his cases were cited 28 times during her tenure on the court and another case has been cited 86 times overall.
Clay earned the appellation “The Great Pacificator” for being the driving force behind the three crucial compromises – the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the resolution of the Nullification Crisis in 1833, and the Compromise of 1850 – which defused sectional animosities and delayed the Civil War. Some said if Clay had lived another ten years, the South may not have seceded in the 1860s – he would have forged a compromise.
Perhaps Clay's greatest fame came as a nationally-renowned orator. In a time of limited entertainment options, his Senate debates with John C. Calhoun, Thomas Hart Benton and many Jacksonians were attended by throngs of private citizens, House members (including John Quincy Adams), foreign diplomats, and ladies by the score. The Capitol building was often flooded with listeners. He delivered public speeches to crowds of thousands in almost every major city and town in the United States. His speeches were reprinted and distributed throughout the nation as valuable newspaper copy. Clay's bound speeches sold widely. The Frankfort Commonwealth prophesied “In five hundred years to come, it is not probable that an opportunity will occur to elevate his equal. Greece produced but one Demosthenes; Rome but one Cicero; and America, we fear, will never see another Clay.”
Perhaps one of Clay's most significant legacies was his impact upon a young congressman from Illinois. Abraham Lincoln was in the audience for Clay's famous Lexington speech of November 1847. Lincoln considered Clay “my beau ideal of a statesman” and adopted much of his political ideology himself. The young Lincoln revered “The Great Pacificator” because of the Kentuckian's commitment to the Union, his economic nationalism, and his dedication to the gradual elimination of slavery.
Remini's Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union is a serious academic study of the distinguished American statesman and founder of the Whig Party, but Professor John Niven wrote “Remini's Clay is what modern, readable, scholarly biography ought to be, but rarely is.” I couldn't agree more. Dr. Remini earned Five Stars from me. His book should find its way to the shelf of any reader with a deep interest in antebellum American political life.
April 16, 2019
https://thebestbiographies.com/2019/0...
Robert Remini’s “Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union” was published in 1991 and was the first traditional biography of Clay in more than half a century (since Glyndon Van Deusen’s 1937 “The Life of Henry Clay”). Remini was a distinguished historian and authored nearly two dozen books – including biographies of Andrew Jackson I previously read and reviewed. Remini died in 2013 at the age of 91.
As the preeminent biographer of Andrew Jackson (Clay’s long-time political rival), Remini seems the perfect person to author a comprehensive review of Henry Clay’s life. But because Jackson and Clay were such bitter political enemies, he is also an unconventional choice to write a balanced account of Clay’s personal life and political career. But this 786-page biography is not only scrupulously objective, it almost seems to betray a preference for Clay over Jackson.
Written in a strictly chronological style, this book is easy to follow, extremely well researched and provides tremendous insight into Clay’s enormously compelling and controversial career. Remini’s writing style, however, too often feels “heavy” and lacks the elegance, fluidity and vivid scene-setting which great biographies frequently exhibit.
Fortunately for the reader, Clay’s dynamic and often exasperating personality is artfully dissected and articulated early in this biography. And because Remini’s knowledge of the era is so deep, the narrative rarely loses sight of the “big picture.” Finally, because he understands Andrew Jackson so well, Remini is able to skillfully compare and contrast the political styles and strengths of these two extraordinarily fascinating contemporaries.
Nevertheless, readers will quickly encounter several flaws in this otherwise titillating biography. First, its length is unquestionably intimidating and, after several chapters, the narrative settles into a tediously mechanistic routine of regurgitating Clay’s day-to-day movements and summarizing his congressional speeches (many of which are, admittedly, quite stirring). In addition, Remini’s ongoing appraisal of Clay’s persona grows familiar and predictable and he feels over-simplified and oddly two-dimensional.
Remini also seems strangely uncritical of Clay’s most conspicuous and contradictory flaw – his personal embrace of slavery while publicly claiming to despise it. But it is Remini’s literary loquacity which proves even more frustrating: Clay’s life could have been fully revealed with far greater efficiency (if not clarity). Finally, the biography unfortunately ends shortly after Clay’s death without considering his legacy or his substantial contribution to the American political scene.
Overall, Robert Remini’s “Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union” is an enormously valuable historical reference document and an interesting, but too often tedious, personal and political biography. Readers with a healthy dose of perseverance will find Remini and Henry Clay work well together. But the most lasting impression I take away is not that Remini’s biography of Clay isn’t good…it’s that it should have been great.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
Robert Remini’s “Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union” was published in 1991 and was the first traditional biography of Clay in more than half a century (since Glyndon Van Deusen’s 1937 “The Life of Henry Clay”). Remini was a distinguished historian and authored nearly two dozen books – including biographies of Andrew Jackson I previously read and reviewed. Remini died in 2013 at the age of 91.
As the preeminent biographer of Andrew Jackson (Clay’s long-time political rival), Remini seems the perfect person to author a comprehensive review of Henry Clay’s life. But because Jackson and Clay were such bitter political enemies, he is also an unconventional choice to write a balanced account of Clay’s personal life and political career. But this 786-page biography is not only scrupulously objective, it almost seems to betray a preference for Clay over Jackson.
Written in a strictly chronological style, this book is easy to follow, extremely well researched and provides tremendous insight into Clay’s enormously compelling and controversial career. Remini’s writing style, however, too often feels “heavy” and lacks the elegance, fluidity and vivid scene-setting which great biographies frequently exhibit.
Fortunately for the reader, Clay’s dynamic and often exasperating personality is artfully dissected and articulated early in this biography. And because Remini’s knowledge of the era is so deep, the narrative rarely loses sight of the “big picture.” Finally, because he understands Andrew Jackson so well, Remini is able to skillfully compare and contrast the political styles and strengths of these two extraordinarily fascinating contemporaries.
Nevertheless, readers will quickly encounter several flaws in this otherwise titillating biography. First, its length is unquestionably intimidating and, after several chapters, the narrative settles into a tediously mechanistic routine of regurgitating Clay’s day-to-day movements and summarizing his congressional speeches (many of which are, admittedly, quite stirring). In addition, Remini’s ongoing appraisal of Clay’s persona grows familiar and predictable and he feels over-simplified and oddly two-dimensional.
Remini also seems strangely uncritical of Clay’s most conspicuous and contradictory flaw – his personal embrace of slavery while publicly claiming to despise it. But it is Remini’s literary loquacity which proves even more frustrating: Clay’s life could have been fully revealed with far greater efficiency (if not clarity). Finally, the biography unfortunately ends shortly after Clay’s death without considering his legacy or his substantial contribution to the American political scene.
Overall, Robert Remini’s “Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union” is an enormously valuable historical reference document and an interesting, but too often tedious, personal and political biography. Readers with a healthy dose of perseverance will find Remini and Henry Clay work well together. But the most lasting impression I take away is not that Remini’s biography of Clay isn’t good…it’s that it should have been great.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
October 8, 2008
I grew up in Kentucky, mainly in Lexington and attended Ashland Elementary which was named for Clay's estate, Ashland, which was in walking distance for our fourth grade class. A large project was brought to our class to write a history of Henry Clay. This began my love of history, of reading and researching about the past, and to realize that people who had lived before us weren't that different. Skip ahead to high school when our history teacher asked us to write a report about ten pages long about someone we admired in history (I think that was the topic) but I ended up choosing Henry Clay, cuz well, I thought I'd cheat since I thought I had a head start on it. I checked this book out in the library with some smaller books and ended up being totally engrossed in this book. I learned so much about early American politics, Kentucky history, as well as much about the leading up to the Civil War, which I decided by the end of this particular book, Clay had almost singlehandedly delayed. His role as the Great Compromiser was what he was most loved for and respected enough for to be speaker of the house more than once. He ran for president three times and was quoted to have said, "I'd rather be right than be president." Some said it was sour grapes, I say that maybe it just shows that though he wasn't popular during the time, he had that uncanny ability to look ahead and know that things needed to be secured for the future of their country. Henry Clay loved America, loved Kentucky and spent his life dedicating himself to the bettering of it. It was only a few years or so after his death that the Civil War began. He was truly a man to be respected.
Later, I learned John F. Kennedy agreed that Clay was important to American history and wrote about him in his novel, Profiles in Courage. A not so engrossing book for me except for the section dedicated to Clay.
Later, I learned John F. Kennedy agreed that Clay was important to American history and wrote about him in his novel, Profiles in Courage. A not so engrossing book for me except for the section dedicated to Clay.
August 25, 2007
Henry Clay is one of America's most overlooked heros. He was considered by Lincoln to be his "idea of a beau statesman." Clay was an early advocate of building the nation's infrastructure in order to improve the economic opportunities of all its citizens. In this day of crumbling bridges and highways and unlimited Congressional pork barrell spending it would be good to remember the wisdom of the Senator from the Commonwealth of Kentucky.
Oh, by the way, read any biogrophy by Robert Remini.
Oh, by the way, read any biogrophy by Robert Remini.
June 22, 2018
This was is not a book to be read lightly. Coming in at nearly 800 pages, this book is the first full-length biography of Henry Clay to be written in quite some time, and given the scope of the task and the difficulty of writing fairly about Henry Clay, given his lengthy and complicated career in public service, it is unsurprising that few people would attempt it. Admittedly, Henry Clay is someone I have read about tangentially before [1], but seldom have I taken his career in full force as was the case with this massive but deeply interesting volume. Ultimately, Henry Clay was a complex figure whose skill at resolving controversies earned him the name "The Great Pacificator," one of his many nicknames, but whose character flaws kept him from earning the one prize he wanted above all else, namely the presidency of the United States, as he witnessed a parade of mediocrities elected to that office because they were 'available' when he was not considered so. The book has a deeply tragic sense, as the author finds himself to be simultaneously fond of and exasperated with Henry Clay and his foibles, not least because Henry Clay pushed for an activist government that the author celebrates and that I am at best deeply ambivalent towards.
The massive contents of this book are divided into quite a few chapters, 41 of them to be precise, that cover in great detail the life and career of Henry Clay and are filled with quotations from his writings or what other people said about him. The first chapter covers the author's childhood in Virginia and then the second chapter covers his move to Kentucky as a young man seeking to make his fortune. After that there is a look at the Burr conspiracy (3), his first duel (4), and then his early career in Congress (5-6). Some time is spent discussing his success as a diplomat in Ghent (7-8) and then his time back in the US before his first retirement from politics (9-12). His experiences in the election of 1824 and his experience in Adams' cabinet as Secretary of State then follow (13-19), where he is seen as a visionary leader who definitely struggled with implementing his will in Congress concerning Latin America. His period of enforced retirement and his problems in the 1832 election then follow (20-23) before he returned to the Senate crowned in glory and an inveterate opponent to Jackson (24-27). His unsuccessful efforts to become the Whig standard bearer in 1840 are discussed in considerable detail (28-31) along with his problems with Tyler and his dictatorial rule over the Senate (32-34). His unsuccessful final effort at the presidency in 1844 follows (35-36) along with his gloomy older years filled with the death of family members, his return to the Senate, and his efforts to design and ensure the passage of the Compromise of 1850 before dying two years later of tuberculosis (37-41).
Overall, Henry Clay seems a fascinating person to study, not least because he was deeply intelligent and capable and because he was viewed as being a magnetic person personally but not someone that inspired a great deal of confidence or trust by the ordinary populace, which saw him as an aristocratic sort of character. Lincoln's "beau ideal" as a statesman, Clay spent his entire political life engaged in practical politics and diplomacy, crafting compromises that ensured peace during his lifetime within the United States dealing with issues of slavery and tariffs, but he was never able to reach the highest rung of American politics, and time and time again people with less intellectual skill who were at best mediocrities were promoted ahead of him into the presidency. Some people make their own luck, and Clay was often undone by his own, but this book is a warm and warts and all discussion of the subject, a book that is no hagiography even as it finds much to praise Clay for.
[1] See, for example:
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2017...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2016...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2015...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2012...
The massive contents of this book are divided into quite a few chapters, 41 of them to be precise, that cover in great detail the life and career of Henry Clay and are filled with quotations from his writings or what other people said about him. The first chapter covers the author's childhood in Virginia and then the second chapter covers his move to Kentucky as a young man seeking to make his fortune. After that there is a look at the Burr conspiracy (3), his first duel (4), and then his early career in Congress (5-6). Some time is spent discussing his success as a diplomat in Ghent (7-8) and then his time back in the US before his first retirement from politics (9-12). His experiences in the election of 1824 and his experience in Adams' cabinet as Secretary of State then follow (13-19), where he is seen as a visionary leader who definitely struggled with implementing his will in Congress concerning Latin America. His period of enforced retirement and his problems in the 1832 election then follow (20-23) before he returned to the Senate crowned in glory and an inveterate opponent to Jackson (24-27). His unsuccessful efforts to become the Whig standard bearer in 1840 are discussed in considerable detail (28-31) along with his problems with Tyler and his dictatorial rule over the Senate (32-34). His unsuccessful final effort at the presidency in 1844 follows (35-36) along with his gloomy older years filled with the death of family members, his return to the Senate, and his efforts to design and ensure the passage of the Compromise of 1850 before dying two years later of tuberculosis (37-41).
Overall, Henry Clay seems a fascinating person to study, not least because he was deeply intelligent and capable and because he was viewed as being a magnetic person personally but not someone that inspired a great deal of confidence or trust by the ordinary populace, which saw him as an aristocratic sort of character. Lincoln's "beau ideal" as a statesman, Clay spent his entire political life engaged in practical politics and diplomacy, crafting compromises that ensured peace during his lifetime within the United States dealing with issues of slavery and tariffs, but he was never able to reach the highest rung of American politics, and time and time again people with less intellectual skill who were at best mediocrities were promoted ahead of him into the presidency. Some people make their own luck, and Clay was often undone by his own, but this book is a warm and warts and all discussion of the subject, a book that is no hagiography even as it finds much to praise Clay for.
[1] See, for example:
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2017...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2016...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2015...
https://edgeinducedcohesion.blog/2012...
June 6, 2022
really solid read on one of the more forgotten early figures of the country - the layout of the book was odd (notes, footnotes, and sourcing were all placed at the bottom of each page instead of at the end in a specific section) this made it difficult to read at times but overall very well laid out. Clay was a really interesting figure and one of the things that is most heavily laid out immediately from the start is how important grasping the presidency was to clay but yet he was never able to obtain it.
December 29, 2023
Robert Remini is best known for his exhaustive trilogy on Andrew Jackson, turns his attention to Jackson's chief rival and longtime antagonist, Henry Clay. While I liked Remini's volumes on Jackson, I found some flaws in his overall portrayal of Jackson, and considered him to be somewhat too sympathetic at times towards his subject. Thus I was wondering if his effort on Clay would be similar. To my pleasant surprise, this was an outstanding biography of a political titan in he first half of the nineteenth century.
Aside from Jackson, three other men dominated the American political scene from the War of 1812 up to the early 1805s: Clay, Daniel Webster, and John C. Calhoun. Of those three, Clay seemed at the time - and seems to me now - to be a slight step ahead of the other two. He was a statesman of the first order, yet simultaneously partisan, petty, and blinded ambition. Clay was immensely talented at legislating, as evident when, on his first day in Congress in 1811, he was elected Speaker of the House. Imagine that happening today. As Remini writes on page 84: "...Henry Clay seemed to know instinctively the time-honored aphorism that the purpose of politics is power, that the purpose of power is to govern, and that the purpose of governing is to advance the welfare of the nation, even at the risk of sometimes supporting unpopular positions." Obviously, when surveying the today's members of Congress, that philosophy is sorely missing.
When Clay was young, he was a "War Hawk" and pressured President James Madison into declaring war on Great Britain. Clay, as Speaker, immediately established his presence as someone to reckon with, and seemed to wield more power than Madison and his successor James Monroe did. But despite his hawkishness about the war, Clay become much more well-known for his decades-long advocacy of internal improvements - which ultimately came to be called the "American System". Clay was identified with this proposed policy, which consisted of building roads and bridges to help facilitate the rapid westward expansion of the young nation, as well as a protective tariff to help bring in revenues for the government to fund these improvements. Clay wanted the federal government to have the power to regulate commerce. Unfortunately for him, despite his decades of public service, he never realized his goals and the American System was never implemented.
If Clay was so influential and powerful, then why did he fail at seeing his pet project carried to fruition? Primarily it is because Clay spent almost his entire Congressional career in the minority, in opposition. Both Madison and Monroe held strict constructionist views of the Constitution and what they deemed permissible under it. When Clay had four years in power as Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, he had no control over Congress due to the circumstances surrounding the "Corrupt Bargain" of 1825. When he moved to the Senate in 1831, Jackson was President, and he hated Clay with a passion (that hatred was returned in pretty good measure). After Jackson, Martin Van Buren came into office, and even though he and Clay got along quite well personally, they were opposed politically as Van Buren was a Jacksonite. Throughout the 1830s, the remnants of the National Republican Party morphed into the Whig Party, with Clay as its de facto head. He lost the 1832 election to Jackson in a blowout. When the Whigs finally won the Presidency in 1840, Clay was not the nominee, and the Whig President, William Henry Harrison, died after just one month in office. His Vice President, John Tyler, took over. Tyler was a former Democrat, and never really was a Whig. He and Clay clashed immediately and Tyler stymied almost everything that Clay wanted to do. Then the Presidency shifted back to Democratic hands with James K. Polk. The only other Whig to be elected President, Zachary Taylor, was not close with Clay and he thus had very little influence in his administration. By the time Taylor died and Millard Fillmore took over, Clay was too sick and old and too worried about the Union breaking up to be able to focus on his American System. In this sense, Clay was ahead of his time as, with hindsight, we can see that transportation improvements were key to the development and prosperity of the country.
Clay essentially ran for President for almost thirty years. He wanted the office in 1820 but could not go against the incumbent Monroe. But he did try in 1824 in a four-way race between he, Adams, Jackson, and William Crawford. While none of the candidates garnered a majority of the electoral votes, Clay finished last and was thus eliminated from consideration by the House of Representatives. However, Clay had enormous influence over several state delegations, and he used that influence to obtain for himself the next best position to the Presidency: Secretary of State. While there is no written record of it, in essence Clay had an understanding with Adams that, if Clay supported Adams in the House and was able to deliver the necessary votes to put him over the top, then Adams would in turn appoint Clay as Secretary of State. At that time, becoming Secretary of State was viewed as the best step that one could take towards the presidency. Thomas Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Adams himself all used that position as a springboard into the White House. Remini does not charge Clay with consuming the "Corrupt Bargain". Remini primarily bases that on the absence of any specific evidence showcasing that there was an explicit arrangement between he and Adams. But it seemed obvious to most people at the time, and it seems obvious now. Remini does astutely point out that Clay already didn't like Jackson, and that he couldn't support Crawford because the latter had suffered a debilitating stroke the year before. Plus, of the three men left, Adams was closest to Clay politically. Either way, whether there was a corrupt bargain or not, Clay made a huge mistake, one that would hound him for the rest of his life and contribute to the denial of his ultimate goal.
It is ironic too that, in making the decision to come into Adams' Cabinet, Clay not only severely tarnished his future political prospects, he also had a disastrous and ineffectual term at the State Department. Adams was a highly intelligent individual who had attained several high appointments, but he was an ineffectual President. Both he and Clay were also hobbled by the Corrupt Bargain charge, and Congress went into full opposition mode. Anything that Clay wanted to do, such as help recognize the burgeoning South American republics, was stymied by a hostile Congress. He was ill for much of his time in that post, and accomplished very little. Clay later said that it was the single biggest political mistake that he made.
Throughout most of the 1830s Clay repeatedly clashed with Jackson, with one of the sticking points being the rechartering of the Bank of the United States. Clay spent most of this decade fighting losing battles with Jackson over pretty much everything: the Bank, internal improvements, Indian relocation. Clay didn't stop hankering for the Presidency, so much so that he blinded himself to Jackson's popularity and actually thought that he could beat him in 1832. He tried for the Whig nomination in 1836, and really tried in 1840 and thought he had it wrapped up, but internal Whig political factions defeated him. That was unfortunate too because basically whoever got that nomination was almost sure to defeat Van Buren due to the poor economic conditions at the time.
Clay managed to get the nomination in 1844 and once again thought that he would win, dismissing Polk as a political second-rater. While that probably was true, Polk narrowly defeated him. Why?Clay was frequently his own worse enemy: as Remini writes on page 159: "He never seemed to know when to keep his mouth shut and simply walk away from the controversy he had provoked." And that doomed his election prospects in 1844 due to his attempt to straddle the Texas annexation issue that had the country in turmoil. This was something that Remini showed numerous examples of - Clay consistently trying to keep both the North and the South happy.
Remini also zeroes in on why Clay was a three time loser in presidential elections. On page 669 he writes: "The first two times he ran against an impossible hero, a man of towering popularity. But how could he lose a third time? And against a relative unknown and one widely believed to be third-rate? In large measure the fault was his own.... Many Americans loved him, of course, but many more distrusted him. He always appeared cocky and overconfident, as though he were doing the people a favor by running for office.... Clay seemed disappointed in the American people because they failed to appreciate his great sacrifices on their behalf.... He invariably behaved as though he knew what was best for the American people, whether they agreed or not. This condescension, this superior tone, this arrogance seemed to suggest a basic mistrust of the people's capacity for self-government."
Despite being a Virginian by birth, Clay had moved to Kentucky as a young man and established his power base there. Therefore, more than a Southern man, he was a man of the West. And being in a border state, Clay's demeanor and his politics reflected his central location. He was against slavery, yet he owned slaves. He was for Western expansionism, yet wanted it kept in check by tamping down on the ardent desires of both the abolitionists in the North and the fire-breathers of slavery in the South. On sectional issues, Clay tried to have nuanced positions and give something to each side. The end result of this political philosophy is that he pleased almost no one while angering both sides.
Remini really hits the nail on the head when writing about Clay's relationship with slavery. He condemns him for being a hypocrite, while also acknowledging that he genuinely wanted the practice to end, that he abhorred it, and that he truly thought that it would eventually die out. Misguided as he was, Clay appeared as a voice of moderation in comparison to someone like Calhoun. But make no mistake about it - Clay was a racist. He believed that blacks were inferior to whites, and that Indians were savages. Are these views disgusting? Yes. Were they also widely held during Clay's lifetime? Yes. On page 619 Remini writes: "The implied and overt racist opinions by Clay... unfortunately reflected the beliefs of most Americans in the nineteenth century. Repugnant as they are today, they represented the considered view not only of slaveowners but of many northerners as well, including many abolitionists. American statesmen, like Clay and Jefferson and Madison, professed a belief in equality and eventual abolition but not at the expense of the white race and not if it endangered the Union."
Clay's personal life is not neglected here at all. Remini examines Clay's long marriage to his wife Lucretia, how Clay wrote to her constantly but she never wrote him. At all. That struck me as really odd. And this is not a case of someone burning her letters; Clay told others that she didn't respond to his letters. And Clay was constantly writing to her and others because he was always on the go. Clay traveled. A lot. From his time in Ghent as a peace commissioner in 1814-1815 to a trip to Cuba in 1851, a year before he died, Clay never seemed to stay in one place for long. In an age where railroads either did not yet exist or just started coming around, Clay went all over the country. Consequently he spent a lot of time away from his Kentucky estate, Ashland. Perhaps one reason for this is because the grim reaper seemed to hover over Clay. While he and Lucretia had many children, most of them did not survive him. For example, all six daughters pre-deceased him. His favorite son, Henry Jr., died in the Mexican War. Several of his grandchildren also died. Honestly it seemed like someone was always dying whom Clay cared deeply for.
Remini is in top form throughout the book. He provides plenty of context to help understand Clay's world, while not getting bogged down in it. He makes pithy observations, such as referring to James Buchanan as an "incompetent booby" (page 475). His analysis is spot-on, and his view of Clay - while clearly admiring from a talent and dedication to the Union perspective - does not excuse away any of his less admirable behavior. He respects Clay but does not idolize him. Remini left me recognizing that Clay did a great many things for this country (the Missouri Compromise, the compromise on the tariff in 1833, and the Compromise of 1850 being three prime examples) while simultaneously not wondering why Clay never became President. Despite being almost 800 pages (footnotes were included on the bottom of all pages) I did not at any time feel that the book was too long. In fact, I am sorry it ended. A masterful portrait of an influential American.
Aside from Jackson, three other men dominated the American political scene from the War of 1812 up to the early 1805s: Clay, Daniel Webster, and John C. Calhoun. Of those three, Clay seemed at the time - and seems to me now - to be a slight step ahead of the other two. He was a statesman of the first order, yet simultaneously partisan, petty, and blinded ambition. Clay was immensely talented at legislating, as evident when, on his first day in Congress in 1811, he was elected Speaker of the House. Imagine that happening today. As Remini writes on page 84: "...Henry Clay seemed to know instinctively the time-honored aphorism that the purpose of politics is power, that the purpose of power is to govern, and that the purpose of governing is to advance the welfare of the nation, even at the risk of sometimes supporting unpopular positions." Obviously, when surveying the today's members of Congress, that philosophy is sorely missing.
When Clay was young, he was a "War Hawk" and pressured President James Madison into declaring war on Great Britain. Clay, as Speaker, immediately established his presence as someone to reckon with, and seemed to wield more power than Madison and his successor James Monroe did. But despite his hawkishness about the war, Clay become much more well-known for his decades-long advocacy of internal improvements - which ultimately came to be called the "American System". Clay was identified with this proposed policy, which consisted of building roads and bridges to help facilitate the rapid westward expansion of the young nation, as well as a protective tariff to help bring in revenues for the government to fund these improvements. Clay wanted the federal government to have the power to regulate commerce. Unfortunately for him, despite his decades of public service, he never realized his goals and the American System was never implemented.
If Clay was so influential and powerful, then why did he fail at seeing his pet project carried to fruition? Primarily it is because Clay spent almost his entire Congressional career in the minority, in opposition. Both Madison and Monroe held strict constructionist views of the Constitution and what they deemed permissible under it. When Clay had four years in power as Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, he had no control over Congress due to the circumstances surrounding the "Corrupt Bargain" of 1825. When he moved to the Senate in 1831, Jackson was President, and he hated Clay with a passion (that hatred was returned in pretty good measure). After Jackson, Martin Van Buren came into office, and even though he and Clay got along quite well personally, they were opposed politically as Van Buren was a Jacksonite. Throughout the 1830s, the remnants of the National Republican Party morphed into the Whig Party, with Clay as its de facto head. He lost the 1832 election to Jackson in a blowout. When the Whigs finally won the Presidency in 1840, Clay was not the nominee, and the Whig President, William Henry Harrison, died after just one month in office. His Vice President, John Tyler, took over. Tyler was a former Democrat, and never really was a Whig. He and Clay clashed immediately and Tyler stymied almost everything that Clay wanted to do. Then the Presidency shifted back to Democratic hands with James K. Polk. The only other Whig to be elected President, Zachary Taylor, was not close with Clay and he thus had very little influence in his administration. By the time Taylor died and Millard Fillmore took over, Clay was too sick and old and too worried about the Union breaking up to be able to focus on his American System. In this sense, Clay was ahead of his time as, with hindsight, we can see that transportation improvements were key to the development and prosperity of the country.
Clay essentially ran for President for almost thirty years. He wanted the office in 1820 but could not go against the incumbent Monroe. But he did try in 1824 in a four-way race between he, Adams, Jackson, and William Crawford. While none of the candidates garnered a majority of the electoral votes, Clay finished last and was thus eliminated from consideration by the House of Representatives. However, Clay had enormous influence over several state delegations, and he used that influence to obtain for himself the next best position to the Presidency: Secretary of State. While there is no written record of it, in essence Clay had an understanding with Adams that, if Clay supported Adams in the House and was able to deliver the necessary votes to put him over the top, then Adams would in turn appoint Clay as Secretary of State. At that time, becoming Secretary of State was viewed as the best step that one could take towards the presidency. Thomas Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Adams himself all used that position as a springboard into the White House. Remini does not charge Clay with consuming the "Corrupt Bargain". Remini primarily bases that on the absence of any specific evidence showcasing that there was an explicit arrangement between he and Adams. But it seemed obvious to most people at the time, and it seems obvious now. Remini does astutely point out that Clay already didn't like Jackson, and that he couldn't support Crawford because the latter had suffered a debilitating stroke the year before. Plus, of the three men left, Adams was closest to Clay politically. Either way, whether there was a corrupt bargain or not, Clay made a huge mistake, one that would hound him for the rest of his life and contribute to the denial of his ultimate goal.
It is ironic too that, in making the decision to come into Adams' Cabinet, Clay not only severely tarnished his future political prospects, he also had a disastrous and ineffectual term at the State Department. Adams was a highly intelligent individual who had attained several high appointments, but he was an ineffectual President. Both he and Clay were also hobbled by the Corrupt Bargain charge, and Congress went into full opposition mode. Anything that Clay wanted to do, such as help recognize the burgeoning South American republics, was stymied by a hostile Congress. He was ill for much of his time in that post, and accomplished very little. Clay later said that it was the single biggest political mistake that he made.
Throughout most of the 1830s Clay repeatedly clashed with Jackson, with one of the sticking points being the rechartering of the Bank of the United States. Clay spent most of this decade fighting losing battles with Jackson over pretty much everything: the Bank, internal improvements, Indian relocation. Clay didn't stop hankering for the Presidency, so much so that he blinded himself to Jackson's popularity and actually thought that he could beat him in 1832. He tried for the Whig nomination in 1836, and really tried in 1840 and thought he had it wrapped up, but internal Whig political factions defeated him. That was unfortunate too because basically whoever got that nomination was almost sure to defeat Van Buren due to the poor economic conditions at the time.
Clay managed to get the nomination in 1844 and once again thought that he would win, dismissing Polk as a political second-rater. While that probably was true, Polk narrowly defeated him. Why?Clay was frequently his own worse enemy: as Remini writes on page 159: "He never seemed to know when to keep his mouth shut and simply walk away from the controversy he had provoked." And that doomed his election prospects in 1844 due to his attempt to straddle the Texas annexation issue that had the country in turmoil. This was something that Remini showed numerous examples of - Clay consistently trying to keep both the North and the South happy.
Remini also zeroes in on why Clay was a three time loser in presidential elections. On page 669 he writes: "The first two times he ran against an impossible hero, a man of towering popularity. But how could he lose a third time? And against a relative unknown and one widely believed to be third-rate? In large measure the fault was his own.... Many Americans loved him, of course, but many more distrusted him. He always appeared cocky and overconfident, as though he were doing the people a favor by running for office.... Clay seemed disappointed in the American people because they failed to appreciate his great sacrifices on their behalf.... He invariably behaved as though he knew what was best for the American people, whether they agreed or not. This condescension, this superior tone, this arrogance seemed to suggest a basic mistrust of the people's capacity for self-government."
Despite being a Virginian by birth, Clay had moved to Kentucky as a young man and established his power base there. Therefore, more than a Southern man, he was a man of the West. And being in a border state, Clay's demeanor and his politics reflected his central location. He was against slavery, yet he owned slaves. He was for Western expansionism, yet wanted it kept in check by tamping down on the ardent desires of both the abolitionists in the North and the fire-breathers of slavery in the South. On sectional issues, Clay tried to have nuanced positions and give something to each side. The end result of this political philosophy is that he pleased almost no one while angering both sides.
Remini really hits the nail on the head when writing about Clay's relationship with slavery. He condemns him for being a hypocrite, while also acknowledging that he genuinely wanted the practice to end, that he abhorred it, and that he truly thought that it would eventually die out. Misguided as he was, Clay appeared as a voice of moderation in comparison to someone like Calhoun. But make no mistake about it - Clay was a racist. He believed that blacks were inferior to whites, and that Indians were savages. Are these views disgusting? Yes. Were they also widely held during Clay's lifetime? Yes. On page 619 Remini writes: "The implied and overt racist opinions by Clay... unfortunately reflected the beliefs of most Americans in the nineteenth century. Repugnant as they are today, they represented the considered view not only of slaveowners but of many northerners as well, including many abolitionists. American statesmen, like Clay and Jefferson and Madison, professed a belief in equality and eventual abolition but not at the expense of the white race and not if it endangered the Union."
Clay's personal life is not neglected here at all. Remini examines Clay's long marriage to his wife Lucretia, how Clay wrote to her constantly but she never wrote him. At all. That struck me as really odd. And this is not a case of someone burning her letters; Clay told others that she didn't respond to his letters. And Clay was constantly writing to her and others because he was always on the go. Clay traveled. A lot. From his time in Ghent as a peace commissioner in 1814-1815 to a trip to Cuba in 1851, a year before he died, Clay never seemed to stay in one place for long. In an age where railroads either did not yet exist or just started coming around, Clay went all over the country. Consequently he spent a lot of time away from his Kentucky estate, Ashland. Perhaps one reason for this is because the grim reaper seemed to hover over Clay. While he and Lucretia had many children, most of them did not survive him. For example, all six daughters pre-deceased him. His favorite son, Henry Jr., died in the Mexican War. Several of his grandchildren also died. Honestly it seemed like someone was always dying whom Clay cared deeply for.
Remini is in top form throughout the book. He provides plenty of context to help understand Clay's world, while not getting bogged down in it. He makes pithy observations, such as referring to James Buchanan as an "incompetent booby" (page 475). His analysis is spot-on, and his view of Clay - while clearly admiring from a talent and dedication to the Union perspective - does not excuse away any of his less admirable behavior. He respects Clay but does not idolize him. Remini left me recognizing that Clay did a great many things for this country (the Missouri Compromise, the compromise on the tariff in 1833, and the Compromise of 1850 being three prime examples) while simultaneously not wondering why Clay never became President. Despite being almost 800 pages (footnotes were included on the bottom of all pages) I did not at any time feel that the book was too long. In fact, I am sorry it ended. A masterful portrait of an influential American.
October 23, 2017
Slavery, taxes and tariffs, the power of the Presidency versus the Congress, state versus national rights. Nasty campaigns and political dirty tricks. Power politics of the highest order. Renowned politicians at each other’s throats, sometimes literally. This is the story of Henry Clay – the Great Compromiser [Missouri Compromise (1820), national tariff legislation (1833), the Compromise of 1850 bringing Texas, California, and the New Mexico territory into the union]; skilled orator; leader within both the House of Representatives and Senate; national celebrity greeted by throngs wherever he traveled. Four times a failed candidate for U.S. President, Clay played a seminal role in shaping the history of the United States and in holding at bay the disintegrative forces that threatened the very existence of the nation. Robert Remini provides a thorough biography complementing his other works from this era, including his biographies of contemporaries Andrew Jackson and Daniel Webster. A worthy read!
December 25, 2019
Henry Clay was not quite an American when he was born on April 12, 1776. The country would come as we know on July 4, of that year. In a sense he grew with the country and went west with it when
as a young man he left Virginia for Kentucky.
Before leaving Virginia, Clay studied under the first great American law teacher George Wythe and in
Kentucky with some god given oratorical talents made his mark in the courts. Politics was a natural
next step and he got two interim appointments to the US Senate in the first decade of the 19th century.
He found his political home in the House of Representatives where over the course of the next 14 years
had a few terms as Speaker after being elected in 1810. Clay was one of a group labeled War Hawks, his later rival John C. Calhoun was another who were hot to trot for war with Great Britain. They got
one and didn't do so good in conquering Canada which was the objective. Clay also voted against
rechartering the First US National Bank, an issue he would revolve 180 degrees on.
Clay was also one of the peace delegation at Ghent to negotiate an end to the War of 1812. The land
military glory went to Andrew Jackson for winning the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815 a few
weeks after the peace was signed.
A later military action of Jackson's which was criticized by Clay was his arbitrary invasion of Spanish Florida in 1819. Clay spoke against it on the floor of the House and earned Jackson's undying hate. Clay for that matter thought Jackson a military chieftain as he put it and not fit for
the presidency which both aspired to.
Clay ran 3 times for president and lost. That first time was 1824 as political parties were being
realigned. Andrew Jackson got 99 electoral college votes, John Quincy Adams 84, William H. Crawford 42 and Henry Clay 37. The election went to the House of Representatives which by the
Constitution chooses among the top three. Clay swung his support to Adams.
When Adams made Clay his Secretary of State the Jackson supporters cried foul and "corrupt bargain". That charge would haunt Clay the rest of his life. Adams and Clay were not bosom buddies, Adams was also a peace delegate at Ghent and Clay's gambling and occasional womanizing
offended his Puritan soul. But during the 4 year Adams administration they did develop a working
relationship and a respect for each other's talents. Clay on the House floor championed the cause
of the new South American republics and as Secretary of State affected their recognition. Later on
though Clay thought a public refusal of the offer might have stood his chances for the presidency
better.
After Adams was roundly defeated by Jackson in 1828, Clay spent 2 years at his estate at Ashland in Lexington, Kentucky. In 1830 Kentucky sent him to the Senate where he became President Jackson's leading critic.
By that time Jackson had made public his opposition to the 2nd National Bank headed by Nicholas
Biddle. In another colossal bad mistake Clay thought that a good issue to challenge Jackson's
re-election on in 1832. He lost badly.
Come 1840 the opposition Whigs won the presidency, but not with Clay. William Henry Harrison
was elected and promptly died one month into his term. State's Right champion John Tyler became the first Vice President to succeed to the Presidency. Tyler did an about face on Whig
policies which enraged Clay and most northern Whigs. Clay resigned the Senate to devote the next 3 years to another try at the White House.
The issue of Texas loomed large for 1844. Clay thought as did former President Martin Van Buren
that they could game the election and dampen the issue by agreeing not to talk of Texas admission.
Van Buren was favored to be the Democratic candidate. Clay got the Whig nomination, but after
that agreement with Clay became known Van Buren lost to James Knox Polk at the Democratic
convention. Polk went on to become president.
His White House ambitions thoroughly done. Clay went back to the Senate from Kentucky in 1849
this time however to lend his talents to preventing a Civil War. The possibility loomed large in those years with the newly acquired territory from Mexico as a result of the Mexican War as to
whether said territory would be open to slavery.
As Speaker of the House Clay was a prime mover in the passage of the Missouri Compromise in 1820
that prevented sectional war then. In 1850 in the Senate Clay was once again the prime mover of a
series of measures that were labeled the Compromise of 1850 that in effect postponed Civil War for
a decade.
The cracks were beginning when Clay died in 1852. Robert Remini who is a great Jackson and Jacksonian Era scholar writes here of the great anti-Jackson. Henry Clay was a man of charm, and
wit and great intelligence. Sadly by fate and by his own miscalculations we were denied a Clay
presidency. Might have been a good one.
as a young man he left Virginia for Kentucky.
Before leaving Virginia, Clay studied under the first great American law teacher George Wythe and in
Kentucky with some god given oratorical talents made his mark in the courts. Politics was a natural
next step and he got two interim appointments to the US Senate in the first decade of the 19th century.
He found his political home in the House of Representatives where over the course of the next 14 years
had a few terms as Speaker after being elected in 1810. Clay was one of a group labeled War Hawks, his later rival John C. Calhoun was another who were hot to trot for war with Great Britain. They got
one and didn't do so good in conquering Canada which was the objective. Clay also voted against
rechartering the First US National Bank, an issue he would revolve 180 degrees on.
Clay was also one of the peace delegation at Ghent to negotiate an end to the War of 1812. The land
military glory went to Andrew Jackson for winning the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815 a few
weeks after the peace was signed.
A later military action of Jackson's which was criticized by Clay was his arbitrary invasion of Spanish Florida in 1819. Clay spoke against it on the floor of the House and earned Jackson's undying hate. Clay for that matter thought Jackson a military chieftain as he put it and not fit for
the presidency which both aspired to.
Clay ran 3 times for president and lost. That first time was 1824 as political parties were being
realigned. Andrew Jackson got 99 electoral college votes, John Quincy Adams 84, William H. Crawford 42 and Henry Clay 37. The election went to the House of Representatives which by the
Constitution chooses among the top three. Clay swung his support to Adams.
When Adams made Clay his Secretary of State the Jackson supporters cried foul and "corrupt bargain". That charge would haunt Clay the rest of his life. Adams and Clay were not bosom buddies, Adams was also a peace delegate at Ghent and Clay's gambling and occasional womanizing
offended his Puritan soul. But during the 4 year Adams administration they did develop a working
relationship and a respect for each other's talents. Clay on the House floor championed the cause
of the new South American republics and as Secretary of State affected their recognition. Later on
though Clay thought a public refusal of the offer might have stood his chances for the presidency
better.
After Adams was roundly defeated by Jackson in 1828, Clay spent 2 years at his estate at Ashland in Lexington, Kentucky. In 1830 Kentucky sent him to the Senate where he became President Jackson's leading critic.
By that time Jackson had made public his opposition to the 2nd National Bank headed by Nicholas
Biddle. In another colossal bad mistake Clay thought that a good issue to challenge Jackson's
re-election on in 1832. He lost badly.
Come 1840 the opposition Whigs won the presidency, but not with Clay. William Henry Harrison
was elected and promptly died one month into his term. State's Right champion John Tyler became the first Vice President to succeed to the Presidency. Tyler did an about face on Whig
policies which enraged Clay and most northern Whigs. Clay resigned the Senate to devote the next 3 years to another try at the White House.
The issue of Texas loomed large for 1844. Clay thought as did former President Martin Van Buren
that they could game the election and dampen the issue by agreeing not to talk of Texas admission.
Van Buren was favored to be the Democratic candidate. Clay got the Whig nomination, but after
that agreement with Clay became known Van Buren lost to James Knox Polk at the Democratic
convention. Polk went on to become president.
His White House ambitions thoroughly done. Clay went back to the Senate from Kentucky in 1849
this time however to lend his talents to preventing a Civil War. The possibility loomed large in those years with the newly acquired territory from Mexico as a result of the Mexican War as to
whether said territory would be open to slavery.
As Speaker of the House Clay was a prime mover in the passage of the Missouri Compromise in 1820
that prevented sectional war then. In 1850 in the Senate Clay was once again the prime mover of a
series of measures that were labeled the Compromise of 1850 that in effect postponed Civil War for
a decade.
The cracks were beginning when Clay died in 1852. Robert Remini who is a great Jackson and Jacksonian Era scholar writes here of the great anti-Jackson. Henry Clay was a man of charm, and
wit and great intelligence. Sadly by fate and by his own miscalculations we were denied a Clay
presidency. Might have been a good one.
August 25, 2024
Remini’s biography of Henry Clay is thorough and highly readable. After spending decades writing his masterful biography on Jackson he shocked his colleagues by revealing he would write his next biography on Jackson’s eternal antagonist. I expected that Remini’s preference for Jackson would lead to a highly biased and defamatory perspective on Clay but was pleasantly surprised that this was not the case. Remini admirably states in the introduction that he took this biography on Clay as an opportunity to get inside the mind of Whig thinking and to see things from a new (anti-Jackson) perspective, a goal that he convincingly achieved.
Remini shows a great appreciation for Clay’s talents as a statesman and as a social creature. He constantly throws in stories of Clay’s hilarious quips and devastating jabs in Congress that give the reader a strong sense for Clay’s personality and popularity among his peers. Clay was the partying type, often staying up late drinking and gambling, but also cultivating an intoxicating popularity that he could lean on when it mattered most in the political arena.
Clay built his reputation on his ability to compromise and his strong emphasis on maintaining the integrity of the Union. Most of his political stances supported the idea of a strong central government encouraging the growth and strength of the nation through investment and protectionism, via the use of Tariffs and public infrastructure… and a central bank. He saw this not as a force of corruption, but one that yielded a net positive for everybody. But he also recognized when to concede some of these points when it came to appeasing political opponents for the sake of compromise and cooperation. Clay was apparently one of Lincoln’s heroes because of his unending desire to put the Union first before all else.
Sadly, Clay also had an insatiable ambition that left his family in shambles. He left his wife at home in Kentucky while he worked in DC for most of their marriage, neglecting his home affairs and his children. He witnessed all 6 of his daughters die, while his sons became petulant drunkards with such uncontrollable fits of rage that they had to be committed to insane asylums. All while Clay was partying in DC and having extra-marital affairs throughout his lifelong career. His wife’s correspondence with him was next to non-existent, which probably indicates just how bleak their relationship was.
And at the expense of his family life Clay grasped for the Presidency through four election cycles, only to come up short every time. The last two elections seemed exceedingly desperate, yet Clay still managed to maintain a general respect and admiration among the public afterwards. My one complaint about the book is how repetitive the coverage of these elections became. Each election cycle involved a circuit of tours and speeches that seemed to follow a very predictable pattern, yet Remini continued to follow these cycles meticulously; citing dates and locations along the way for each one. He probably could have saved the reader 50-100 pages by omitting some of these details on the elections while still maintaining a highly thorough record of Clay’s public service.
Overall a very informative read and entertaining throughout because of Clay’s highly engrossing character, though not a book that can be considered compelling.
Remini shows a great appreciation for Clay’s talents as a statesman and as a social creature. He constantly throws in stories of Clay’s hilarious quips and devastating jabs in Congress that give the reader a strong sense for Clay’s personality and popularity among his peers. Clay was the partying type, often staying up late drinking and gambling, but also cultivating an intoxicating popularity that he could lean on when it mattered most in the political arena.
Clay built his reputation on his ability to compromise and his strong emphasis on maintaining the integrity of the Union. Most of his political stances supported the idea of a strong central government encouraging the growth and strength of the nation through investment and protectionism, via the use of Tariffs and public infrastructure… and a central bank. He saw this not as a force of corruption, but one that yielded a net positive for everybody. But he also recognized when to concede some of these points when it came to appeasing political opponents for the sake of compromise and cooperation. Clay was apparently one of Lincoln’s heroes because of his unending desire to put the Union first before all else.
Sadly, Clay also had an insatiable ambition that left his family in shambles. He left his wife at home in Kentucky while he worked in DC for most of their marriage, neglecting his home affairs and his children. He witnessed all 6 of his daughters die, while his sons became petulant drunkards with such uncontrollable fits of rage that they had to be committed to insane asylums. All while Clay was partying in DC and having extra-marital affairs throughout his lifelong career. His wife’s correspondence with him was next to non-existent, which probably indicates just how bleak their relationship was.
And at the expense of his family life Clay grasped for the Presidency through four election cycles, only to come up short every time. The last two elections seemed exceedingly desperate, yet Clay still managed to maintain a general respect and admiration among the public afterwards. My one complaint about the book is how repetitive the coverage of these elections became. Each election cycle involved a circuit of tours and speeches that seemed to follow a very predictable pattern, yet Remini continued to follow these cycles meticulously; citing dates and locations along the way for each one. He probably could have saved the reader 50-100 pages by omitting some of these details on the elections while still maintaining a highly thorough record of Clay’s public service.
Overall a very informative read and entertaining throughout because of Clay’s highly engrossing character, though not a book that can be considered compelling.
January 3, 2021
Up until now, I've known Henry Clay almost primarily for his political activities. His participation in the Corrupt Bargain and in the Bank War are the most well-documented and known. Remini does, surprisingly, a good job describing these events despite his prior experience as a Jackson man. In fact, Remini has the same problem as he does in all his previous works: he takes Clay's side.
When taken on its own, Henry Clay is a highly one-sided work that tries to explain away (most of) Clay's worst attributes and put him in the best of lights. When I think of this book in and of itself, it's pretty strange because you can see how obviously flawed the man is and just feel strange about how Remini speaks of things.
However, when you take this book on top of the rest of Remini's works, it's perfect. This book serves as a pretty damning criticism of Jackson's administration and Van Buren's party tactics. It fits together with his earlier Jackson trilogy to make a more complete story about that man's problems. As well, having read many, many of Remini's other Age of Jackson works, I already know some of Remini's political problems with Clay. I know the opinions of Clay's enemies upon starting this book.
One of the things I have learned to appreciate from Remini is the sass in his tone as he recounts and comments. John C. Calhoun, who at this point I believe is solidly in contention for the title of "worst American ever", appears several times in the book. At one point Clay lashes his magic voice out at Calhoun, lacing his words with arsenic, and Calhoun doesn't take it well. Remini says, "[Calhoun] would not abide personal attacks - not from anyone - and least of all from those (practically everybody) who could not match the excellence of his 'metaphysical thought processes.'" That "practically everybody" comment from Remini combined with the sheer pompousness of "metaphysical thought processes" quote from Calhoun makes for such a great, subtle jibe at the man. Remini also does a good job poking holes into things by showing evidence to contradict Clay's insistence on "good intentions" right after stating the good intention.
I think this book is essential reading if you're going to be a Jacksonian era history buff. You can't escape reading Remini's Jackson trilogy, and this book is a perfect addition that places criticisms and lends thoughts from the other side of the story. Fantastic work.
When taken on its own, Henry Clay is a highly one-sided work that tries to explain away (most of) Clay's worst attributes and put him in the best of lights. When I think of this book in and of itself, it's pretty strange because you can see how obviously flawed the man is and just feel strange about how Remini speaks of things.
However, when you take this book on top of the rest of Remini's works, it's perfect. This book serves as a pretty damning criticism of Jackson's administration and Van Buren's party tactics. It fits together with his earlier Jackson trilogy to make a more complete story about that man's problems. As well, having read many, many of Remini's other Age of Jackson works, I already know some of Remini's political problems with Clay. I know the opinions of Clay's enemies upon starting this book.
One of the things I have learned to appreciate from Remini is the sass in his tone as he recounts and comments. John C. Calhoun, who at this point I believe is solidly in contention for the title of "worst American ever", appears several times in the book. At one point Clay lashes his magic voice out at Calhoun, lacing his words with arsenic, and Calhoun doesn't take it well. Remini says, "[Calhoun] would not abide personal attacks - not from anyone - and least of all from those (practically everybody) who could not match the excellence of his 'metaphysical thought processes.'" That "practically everybody" comment from Remini combined with the sheer pompousness of "metaphysical thought processes" quote from Calhoun makes for such a great, subtle jibe at the man. Remini also does a good job poking holes into things by showing evidence to contradict Clay's insistence on "good intentions" right after stating the good intention.
I think this book is essential reading if you're going to be a Jacksonian era history buff. You can't escape reading Remini's Jackson trilogy, and this book is a perfect addition that places criticisms and lends thoughts from the other side of the story. Fantastic work.
March 24, 2025
This book is LONG. Almost 800 pages of a man who history has mostly forgotten? But the writer makes it a mostly interesting 800 pages.
Henry Clay was one of the most famous men in America the first half of the 19th century. He ran for President three times as the candidate for his party, and sought a nomination probably as many times. He rose to prominence as a young representative from Kentucky, quickly became House Speaker, and spent the better part of 40 years in and out of Congress, with a short term as Secretary of State and as a lawyer who argued numerous cases before the Supreme Court. He had 11 children, most of them who died young or tragically, and of the ones who lived to adulthood, were insane or drunk. He was a man of supreme ego, which was probably his undoing; while he was perhaps the greatest orator of his day, his cruelty in speech made it where political leaders learned to not trust him and Americans chose not to vote for him.
Perhaps the most interesting part of this book was his relationship with Andrew Jackson. Jackson, a war hero from the War of 1812 and future President, was publicly mocked by Clay, and never forgot it. Jackson spent much of the rest of his life ensuring the Clay would never be president. Reading this in 2025, it was interesting to see parallels of the many of the current situations of tyranny and a president seeking to destroy public institutions in the name of 'the people'; this book shows Clay fighting (usually unsuccessfully) to stop Jackson from shutting the Bank of the United States and Jackson's attempt to ensure that the federal government and its workers submitted to the obedience of the president's will. In one of the famous speeches quoted in the book, Clay spoke against 'the abuses and corruptions of an adminstartion, under a chief magistrate who is endeavoring to concentrate in his own person the whole powers of government....Senators! Let us perform our duty in a manner worthy of our ancestors.' In this time of 'trouble and revolution', amid the 'general gloom and darkness' that now prevail, 'let us continue to present one unextinguished light, steadily burning, in the cause of the people, of the constitution, and of civil libery.' (p.459) Interesting to see how history repeats itself!
One final thing...Henry Clay LOVED the ladies.
Henry Clay was one of the most famous men in America the first half of the 19th century. He ran for President three times as the candidate for his party, and sought a nomination probably as many times. He rose to prominence as a young representative from Kentucky, quickly became House Speaker, and spent the better part of 40 years in and out of Congress, with a short term as Secretary of State and as a lawyer who argued numerous cases before the Supreme Court. He had 11 children, most of them who died young or tragically, and of the ones who lived to adulthood, were insane or drunk. He was a man of supreme ego, which was probably his undoing; while he was perhaps the greatest orator of his day, his cruelty in speech made it where political leaders learned to not trust him and Americans chose not to vote for him.
Perhaps the most interesting part of this book was his relationship with Andrew Jackson. Jackson, a war hero from the War of 1812 and future President, was publicly mocked by Clay, and never forgot it. Jackson spent much of the rest of his life ensuring the Clay would never be president. Reading this in 2025, it was interesting to see parallels of the many of the current situations of tyranny and a president seeking to destroy public institutions in the name of 'the people'; this book shows Clay fighting (usually unsuccessfully) to stop Jackson from shutting the Bank of the United States and Jackson's attempt to ensure that the federal government and its workers submitted to the obedience of the president's will. In one of the famous speeches quoted in the book, Clay spoke against 'the abuses and corruptions of an adminstartion, under a chief magistrate who is endeavoring to concentrate in his own person the whole powers of government....Senators! Let us perform our duty in a manner worthy of our ancestors.' In this time of 'trouble and revolution', amid the 'general gloom and darkness' that now prevail, 'let us continue to present one unextinguished light, steadily burning, in the cause of the people, of the constitution, and of civil libery.' (p.459) Interesting to see how history repeats itself!
One final thing...Henry Clay LOVED the ladies.
July 21, 2017
It is little wonder Robert Remini had the title of official historian of the U.S. Congress. He not only was gifted at putting history into readable prose, but the depth of research he puts into his works is spectacular. The trilogy on Andrew Jackson's life he wrote in the 1980s was nothing short of stellar, and Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union is no exception.
This book details the life of The Great Compromiser, the man who was Speaker of the House for loner than anyone else. His time in the House and Senate saw tremendous change in the country; from the early to mid 1800s he served (with some brief intermissions) in one of the two branches of the legislature for Kentucky. Clay was defined early on by his opposition to what he called "Jacksonism" and the president he called King Andrew; he helped found the Whig party in opposition to Old Hickory.
The book takes a deep look at this promotion of the The American System, whereby the federal government would fund massive projects to help bind the individual states into a strong union. He was committed to this idea throughout his numerous years in public service. Clay was somewhat sullied by his relationship with the Bank of the United States, and this coziness cost him credibility in his fight to have it rechartered in the 1830s. Clay was also rumored to be a womanizer and heavy gambler, although he frequently pushed back against such characterizations.
Clay did all he could in the twilight of his career to prevent the oncoming split of the Union he feared; not only did he help pass the Missouri Compromise in 1820 to avoid this, but the 1850 compromise was a last-ditch effort to appease both abolitionists in the North and disunionists in the South (he was disliked by both of these groups, and the feelings were apparently mutual).
Remini ensures his readers finish this biography with a deep appreciation for the patriotism of Clay and for his desire to see the U.S. as a strong union instead of a collection of disparate states.
-Andrew Canfield Denver, Colorado
This book details the life of The Great Compromiser, the man who was Speaker of the House for loner than anyone else. His time in the House and Senate saw tremendous change in the country; from the early to mid 1800s he served (with some brief intermissions) in one of the two branches of the legislature for Kentucky. Clay was defined early on by his opposition to what he called "Jacksonism" and the president he called King Andrew; he helped found the Whig party in opposition to Old Hickory.
The book takes a deep look at this promotion of the The American System, whereby the federal government would fund massive projects to help bind the individual states into a strong union. He was committed to this idea throughout his numerous years in public service. Clay was somewhat sullied by his relationship with the Bank of the United States, and this coziness cost him credibility in his fight to have it rechartered in the 1830s. Clay was also rumored to be a womanizer and heavy gambler, although he frequently pushed back against such characterizations.
Clay did all he could in the twilight of his career to prevent the oncoming split of the Union he feared; not only did he help pass the Missouri Compromise in 1820 to avoid this, but the 1850 compromise was a last-ditch effort to appease both abolitionists in the North and disunionists in the South (he was disliked by both of these groups, and the feelings were apparently mutual).
Remini ensures his readers finish this biography with a deep appreciation for the patriotism of Clay and for his desire to see the U.S. as a strong union instead of a collection of disparate states.
-Andrew Canfield Denver, Colorado
July 7, 2024
Henry Clay is perhaps the Greatest American politician to never become President.
In this lengthy and exhaustive biography Robert Remini throughly examines Clay's career that spanned over 45 years. Clay served as Congressman, Peace Commissioner, Secretary of State and most frequently as U.S. Senator. Clay was a frequent candidate for President but was three times rejected by voters. It was Clay's acceptance of the position of Secretary of State in 1825 after helping elect John Quincy Adams that was perhaps Clay's greatest political mistake. The taint of the charge of a " corrupt bargain" between Clay & Adams haunted Clay for the rest of his life.
Clay's greatest achievements were the many compromises he helped engineer to preserve the Union, the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1833 to defeat the South Carolina Nullifers, and lastly the Compromise of 1850. Clay also was an early advocate of Latin American independence and laid the foundation of what over 100 years later became known as the Good Neighbor Policy.
If Clay had one big fault it was his inability to misread the public's interest in what in he called the American Sytem which consisted of a protective tariff to bolster industry, internal improvements of roads and canals to improve the flow of commerce and a national bank. While this was popular in the 1810s & 1820s it lost favor over time. Clay's ambition blinded him to the rise of other issues and the decline of interest in his pet program.
One thing Remini does do very well that I often find lacking in other biographies is show Clay's relationships with his family, be it his wife or the many tragedies that happened with his children, their spouses and his grandchildren, Clay's personal life does not get overlooked in this book.
A absolutely wonderful read and highly recommended.
In this lengthy and exhaustive biography Robert Remini throughly examines Clay's career that spanned over 45 years. Clay served as Congressman, Peace Commissioner, Secretary of State and most frequently as U.S. Senator. Clay was a frequent candidate for President but was three times rejected by voters. It was Clay's acceptance of the position of Secretary of State in 1825 after helping elect John Quincy Adams that was perhaps Clay's greatest political mistake. The taint of the charge of a " corrupt bargain" between Clay & Adams haunted Clay for the rest of his life.
Clay's greatest achievements were the many compromises he helped engineer to preserve the Union, the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1833 to defeat the South Carolina Nullifers, and lastly the Compromise of 1850. Clay also was an early advocate of Latin American independence and laid the foundation of what over 100 years later became known as the Good Neighbor Policy.
If Clay had one big fault it was his inability to misread the public's interest in what in he called the American Sytem which consisted of a protective tariff to bolster industry, internal improvements of roads and canals to improve the flow of commerce and a national bank. While this was popular in the 1810s & 1820s it lost favor over time. Clay's ambition blinded him to the rise of other issues and the decline of interest in his pet program.
One thing Remini does do very well that I often find lacking in other biographies is show Clay's relationships with his family, be it his wife or the many tragedies that happened with his children, their spouses and his grandchildren, Clay's personal life does not get overlooked in this book.
A absolutely wonderful read and highly recommended.
July 29, 2019
I loved this. Prior to reading this, the only things I knew about this man were his failed Presidential bids and his work on the Compromise of 1850, and these were but briefly touched on in middle school, when I was too busy daydreaming about a more exciting life than mine to care about some stodgy old dude in funny duds who'd been dead for eons.
Remini certainly puts on his working boots for this. There's scarcely an aspect of Clay's life he doesn't plumb, and as a result, I found myself drawn to him, to his charm and his intelligence and his love of a good story, and I sympathized with his futile runs for the Presidency and found myself gnashing my teeth at the fickleness of his friends and the gormless idiocy of the American voter. I also found myself tittering at his serrated tongue, awful as it often was to its hapless targets. I may have developed a soft spot for poor Thomas Hart Benton, who walked into more than one cutting riposte.
Clay wasn't perfect, and my twentieth-century sensibilities recoiled from his casual and lofty racism, and Remini did spend too much effort trying to excuse it as an unfortunate product of his time. It was racism, sir, and there's no getting around that. That fact doesn't negate Clay's humanity, nor does it erase the service he rendered to his country.
Remini certainly puts on his working boots for this. There's scarcely an aspect of Clay's life he doesn't plumb, and as a result, I found myself drawn to him, to his charm and his intelligence and his love of a good story, and I sympathized with his futile runs for the Presidency and found myself gnashing my teeth at the fickleness of his friends and the gormless idiocy of the American voter. I also found myself tittering at his serrated tongue, awful as it often was to its hapless targets. I may have developed a soft spot for poor Thomas Hart Benton, who walked into more than one cutting riposte.
Clay wasn't perfect, and my twentieth-century sensibilities recoiled from his casual and lofty racism, and Remini did spend too much effort trying to excuse it as an unfortunate product of his time. It was racism, sir, and there's no getting around that. That fact doesn't negate Clay's humanity, nor does it erase the service he rendered to his country.
January 31, 2022
This was a thorough and remarkably detailed recounting of Clay's life. It is long, almost 800 pages, but that is necessary to cover a man like Clay and all that he did.
You don't see much of Clay's personal life, but I think that is likely Clay's fault: he was very preoccupied with his career, and was often a bit of an absent husband and father. He wasn't completely so, however, and his family life is still addressed. There just isn't as much documented for Remini to draw from.
I did have one pet peeve get aggravated during this book. I prefer history and biography that focuses on telling the story from its time. I dislike when authors frame their books from the view of looking back, and I also dislike when they use quotes and sources to verify a statement but they are out of chronological context (like a quote from 1832 supporting a statement about actions in 1824). Remini did this constantly. It is possible that most biographers did this in this book's era: it is 30 years old now. It is also possibly unique to Remini, and maybe even impossibly so: Remini is an undisputed master of the history of this era from all his works on Andrew Jackson, so he knew Clay quite well before he ever decided to write this book. But it did not inhibit the readability of the book, just hit my own specific nerve.
You don't see much of Clay's personal life, but I think that is likely Clay's fault: he was very preoccupied with his career, and was often a bit of an absent husband and father. He wasn't completely so, however, and his family life is still addressed. There just isn't as much documented for Remini to draw from.
I did have one pet peeve get aggravated during this book. I prefer history and biography that focuses on telling the story from its time. I dislike when authors frame their books from the view of looking back, and I also dislike when they use quotes and sources to verify a statement but they are out of chronological context (like a quote from 1832 supporting a statement about actions in 1824). Remini did this constantly. It is possible that most biographers did this in this book's era: it is 30 years old now. It is also possibly unique to Remini, and maybe even impossibly so: Remini is an undisputed master of the history of this era from all his works on Andrew Jackson, so he knew Clay quite well before he ever decided to write this book. But it did not inhibit the readability of the book, just hit my own specific nerve.
June 22, 2019
Detailed account of the life of Henry Clay, known as the Great Compromiser and perhaps the greatest Senator in American History. Due to its detail, the book can be a slow read, but it’s worth the time if you want to understand Clay.
Robert Remini, the author, is known for his expansive work on Andrew Jackson, Clay’s greatest rival. In spite of that, this work is fair to Clay. Remini discusses Clay’s faults, particularly his ambition for the Presidency. However, he also shows Clay’s strengths, such as his ability to forgive long time political opponents and his willingness to work across party lines to achieve a greater purpose than advancement of party. What shines through is Clay’s deep love for his country and his devotion to the Union.
When I started this book, I thought that, had Henry Clay been on the scene in 1860, there would have been no Civil War. This book reinforced that belief.
Highly recommended for those willing to put in the time and effort to learn about this great statesman.
Robert Remini, the author, is known for his expansive work on Andrew Jackson, Clay’s greatest rival. In spite of that, this work is fair to Clay. Remini discusses Clay’s faults, particularly his ambition for the Presidency. However, he also shows Clay’s strengths, such as his ability to forgive long time political opponents and his willingness to work across party lines to achieve a greater purpose than advancement of party. What shines through is Clay’s deep love for his country and his devotion to the Union.
When I started this book, I thought that, had Henry Clay been on the scene in 1860, there would have been no Civil War. This book reinforced that belief.
Highly recommended for those willing to put in the time and effort to learn about this great statesman.
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January 16, 2020I enjoyed this book about Henry Clay, one of the leading statesmen of America prior to the Civil War, who, along with John C. Calhoun and Daniel Webster, made up the Great Triumvirate of American statesmen. Remini writes about Clay and statesman and Clay the human being, who had several tragedies in his live, like the loss of his children early in life, and of his driving ambition to be President, which led him to many serious errors of judgement.
November 25, 2021
Just finished the second character of the Great Triumvirate. Senator Clay was a mover and a shaker in early American politics. A must read!! Another great work by Mr. Remini. Now reading about John C. Calhoun.
June 21, 2022
There was too much detail for my taste.
October 15, 2023
Henry Clay is the most famous presidential loser and one of the most influential members of Congress (both as Speaker and in the Senate) in US History. He led a fascinating life and was at the center of every great political moment from the War of 1812 to the Compromise of 1850. This was a good book, but it was a bit too long and got bogged down in the minutiae of everyday congressional life by the end of the book, which lost a star from me. The author clearly had done his research though and this biography is to be commended as the definitive Clay biography.
December 31, 2016
When choosing a biography, I have two primary considerations. First, I want to get a good view of the time period -political, economic, social, etc. - in addition to the subject's personal details. Second, as much as possible, I want an even-handed account presented in a straightforward manner. I research the author as much as the book. A particular political or philosophical leaning don't necessarily disqualify a work or an author, but they definitely factor into the author's objectivity. Robert Remini meets both of these considerations. His works are meticulously researched with extensive primary sources, and he doesn't insult by seeming to lead the reader to a certain conclusion or thought pattern. His opinions are obvious, whether stated or implied, but he presents the information in such a way that allows the reader a full consideration of the topic instead of a narrow one. (For some context, Remini was considered perhaps the leading Andrew Jackson scholar of his time, and he produced several extensive works on Jackson's life and the political environment in which created. This work on Clay resulted from Remini's research on Jackson, in which Clay's name naturally appeared often.)
There aren't many Henry Clay biographies, certainly not any as extensive as this, but Clay was a key figure in the generation of political leaders immediately following the Founding Fathers. His political life spanned a pivotal period in our nation's history. From the Treaty of Ghent to the Missouri Compromise to the Compromise of 1850, he was instrumental in shaping nation in the first half of the 19th century. Despite his considerable political influence, his character flaws arguably kept him from attaining the Presidency despite multiple attempts. Clay isn't as well-known as many of his contemporaries, and his influence and contributions aren't as obvious as some of theirs, but there's no doubt he was one of the key contributors to the early days of our nation's political development.
In telling Clay's story, Remini also presents the amazing complex political machinations of the time, which is an interesting story in itself. Additionally, the latter part of Clay's political life highlights the increasing Southern secession attitude, and Remini lays a good foundation for understanding the eventual Southern secessionist movement.
There aren't many Henry Clay biographies, certainly not any as extensive as this, but Clay was a key figure in the generation of political leaders immediately following the Founding Fathers. His political life spanned a pivotal period in our nation's history. From the Treaty of Ghent to the Missouri Compromise to the Compromise of 1850, he was instrumental in shaping nation in the first half of the 19th century. Despite his considerable political influence, his character flaws arguably kept him from attaining the Presidency despite multiple attempts. Clay isn't as well-known as many of his contemporaries, and his influence and contributions aren't as obvious as some of theirs, but there's no doubt he was one of the key contributors to the early days of our nation's political development.
In telling Clay's story, Remini also presents the amazing complex political machinations of the time, which is an interesting story in itself. Additionally, the latter part of Clay's political life highlights the increasing Southern secession attitude, and Remini lays a good foundation for understanding the eventual Southern secessionist movement.
January 8, 2012
Robert Remini provides an excellent and thorough biography of Henry Clay and his influence on the nation. From the good and the bad to the ugly all of Clay's exploits are analyzed and assessed relative to their place in history. Arguably one of the masters of political intrigue and without doubt one of the best debaters in the history of the Congress, Clay shaped the nation through his mastery of the House and the American System he fought for. His economic development programs expanded the nation's economy and paved the way for the west to develop into an integrated part of the country. Remini takes a critical eye towards whether Clay was the great compromiser or a politician looking to be elected by bringing together various electorates trying to be a hero to all. The man who would said he would rather be right than be president found that to be true. After four attempts and defeats to people he considered his intellectual inferiors he would find his way back into the spotlight founding the Whig party. Without a doubt Clay was one of the most influential politicians of his age and the claim of Remini that he was a second Washington was not far off the mark from the case provided here. Overall a very well written book that covers the formation of what could be called the United States formative years. For those who want an understanding of the early republic and antebellum periods you cannot go wrong here.
August 6, 2011
Two reactions to this book. The first is that biographies have to break up the monotony of talking about the same person page after page. Anthony Everitt does this well, though his Roman subject matter helps in that there are less details about any particular person as there are for modern men. Two wars, a couple of economic crises, and the issue of slavery were all prominent in Clay's life; stop and spend a few pages detailing those issues in their own right. Sure, some readers like me may be familiar with them, but it helps even us in just breaking up the monotony.
The second point is that while Clay was renowned for his ability to create compromises, those compromises did not save the Union from the scourge of civil war. Ultimately, the strong sectionalism that existed was going to lead to disunion or the obliteration of one section's way of life. We hear cries for compromise today, too, but the opposing ideologies will never find a common ground between them.
The second point is that while Clay was renowned for his ability to create compromises, those compromises did not save the Union from the scourge of civil war. Ultimately, the strong sectionalism that existed was going to lead to disunion or the obliteration of one section's way of life. We hear cries for compromise today, too, but the opposing ideologies will never find a common ground between them.
February 10, 2012
Robert Remini's biography of Henry Clay paints a fascinating portrait of this forgotten giant of American history. Though Clay was never able to win a presidential election, he has arguably left a greater legacy than most of the men who have served as president. Clay was a brilliant but flawed individual whose vanity often did himself and his cause more harm than good. His long career was bookended by helping to bully James Madison into the war of 1812 and serving as the driving force behind the Compromise of 1850. This last contribution may be his greatest, for his actions helped to stave off the Civil War for nearly a decade. Had it occurred earlier, many historians agree that the south would have prevailed. Reflecting upon a time when the Senate was once filled with statesmen such as Clay, Calhoun, and Webster, it is sad to see the contemporary Senate filled largely with mediocrities. Though this biography is lengthy, it is well worth the read.
March 20, 2011
This 800-page biography (1991) of Henry Clay didn't absorb my interest right away. Then it took a long time to like the main character very much. Eventually, however, this became the kind of book I couldn't wait to read at bedtime, and I came to see not only why Henry Clay was so enormously popular in his day, but why he occupies a place in American history on par with the great presidents. Of course, it's good to know more about him, but as with most biographies of this type, I learned more about the first half of nineteenth-century American history than I'd ever known, which, in turn, seems crucial for understanding Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War. If you like biography and history and are willing to undertake a fairly long read, this book is definitely worth the effort.
September 2, 2009
I was *very* impressed with this book. Despite its somewhat daunting length, it was engaging and interesting the whole way through. I went into the book expecting to dislike Clay (mostly because bios I've read of his political enemies painted him in a bad light), but I came away with a much better understanding of him. Remini makes a compelling case that Clay was a superb statesman, despite his flaws, and that he contributed a tremendous amount to the preservation of the Union. It's a pity that we don't have statesmen like him today.
June 7, 2009
I recall reading this book for AP History, and actually found it a little interesting. It seemed that everyone found Clay entertaining and somewhat noble, even enough to run for the Presidency several times. Given this, he was still never elected and died in a duel. That's how I want to go out.
October 27, 2016
Very long. Very interesting. Way too many quotations and I skipped most of them. I suspect Remini wanted to demonstrate Clay's great oratorical skills, in which I'm not interested. I wanted to learn about the story of his life and get a sense of what made him tick. I got that from this book.
March 24, 2010
An adequate book about a hugely impressive historical figure. Remini's writing style is a bit awkward in places, and his Jacksonian biases are often a bit too transparent.
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