Mao Zedong, also transliterated as Mao Tse-tung, and commonly referred to as Chairman Mao, was a Chinese Communist revolutionary, guerrilla warfare strategist, Marxist political philosopher, statesman and leader of the Chinese Revolution. He was the architect and founding father of the People's Republic of China (PRC) from its establishment in 1949, and held control over the nation until his death in 1976. His theoretical contribution to Marxism–Leninism, along with his military strategies and brand of policies, are collectively known as Maoism.
Mao rose to power by commanding the Long March, forming a Second United Front with Kuomintang (KMT) during the Second Sino-Japanese War to repel a Japanese invasion, and later led the Communist Party of China (CPC) to victory against Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek's KMT in the Chinese Civil War. Mao established political and military control over most of the territory formerly contained within the Chinese Empire and launched a campaign to suppress counterrevolutionaries. He sent the Communist People's Liberation Army into Xinjiang and Tibet but was unable to oust the remnants of the Nationalist Party from Taiwan. He enacted sweeping land reform by using violence and terror to overthrow landlords before seizing their large estates and dividing the land into people's communes. The Communist Party's final victory came after decades of turmoil in China, which included the Great Depression, a brutal invasion by Japan and a protracted civil war. Mao's Communist Party ultimately achieved a measure of stability in China, though Mao's efforts to close China to trade and market commerce, and eradicate traditional Chinese culture, have been largely rejected by his successors.
Mao styled himself "The Great Helmsman" and supporters continue to contend that he was responsible for some positive changes which came to China during his three decade rule. These included doubling the school population, providing universal housing, abolishing unemployment and inflation, increasing health care access, and dramatically raising life expectancy. A cult of personality grew up around Mao, and community dissent was not permitted. His Communist Party still rules in mainland China, retains control of media and education there and officially celebrates his legacy. As a result, Mao is still officially held in high regard by many Chinese as a great political strategist, military mastermind, and savior of the nation. Maoists promote his role as a theorist, statesman, poet, and visionary, and anti-revisionists continue to defend most of his policies.
When I first began reading this, I couldn't imagine actually spending the time to go through all 9 or so volumes in this series. Almost a year later, though, I am determined to do exactly that. The very way in which I think through problems has been completely changed.
This book is an exceptional and high quality selection of some of the most important writings by Mao Zedong from the period of 1926 to 1937. What is most striking to me is how I, a relatively uninformed reader, had no real conception of what "dialectical materialism" could even entail in practical terms. Yet, by the end, I not only had a handle on the subject, but I could see clearly that Mao had been applying this universal concept to every single topic brought up in his writings. Generally, the writings themselves present thorough examinations of the fundamental questions of military tactics and strategy, Marxist philosophy, and the history of the Chinese revolution up until 1937. Mao breaks down every idea into an incredibly readable and gripping simplicity, yet is still able to reach an astounding level of depth precisely through this aforementioned dialectical materialist outlook.
In "On Practice," the second to last writing in this selection, Mao outlines that the Marxist theory of knowledge is this: learn from direct or indirect experiences (indirect being studying history, theory, etc.), formulate concepts based on these experiences, and, most importantly, put them into practice to change the world and verify these very same concepts. This process is then repeated over and over again, each time raising knowledge to a higher level. It is evident through reading these writings that Mao has done precisely this, raising the foundational knowledge established by the experiences and theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin to a higher level, and supplementing them through the rich victories and defeats of the Chinese Revolution. Today, these writings and others will be taken on board as our own indirect experiences. I highly recommend this to anybody interested in Marxism or Mao and the Chinese Revolution.
As a side note, I think anybody who reads this should begin with the final two chapters (On Practice and On Contradiction), go back to the beginning and read through the whole work chronologically, and then, at the end, reread those two works. If at first they only made a little bit of sense, then by the end everything will fall completely into place. Don't be afraid to reread an entire page if you think you missed something, this level of thoroughness can only benefit your understanding at the end of the day.
As frustratingly repetitive as Mao can be [sometimes he writes like an exhausted college student trying to meet the minimum word count on a mid-term essay], the revolutionary brilliance is just as evident nearly 100 years ago [Vol. 1 covers 1927 to roughly 1938] as it would grow to be, as Mao led the CCP onwards to a revolution that shook the world.
His optimism, even here, 20 years before the Chinese Revolution of 1949, before and even following the Kuomintang betrayal, is what I needed to read right now in these times of feeling so deflated and defeated.
'On Contradiction' is an admittedly confusing read to me and I definitely need to go back and re-read it and take notes, but Mao's breakdown of dialectical materialism and contradiction is meticulous, thorough, and ultimately persuasive.
I would say that all the imperative reads of Mao are here. It's great for someone that wants to know about the thought of Mao with a specific amount of depth, or also for someone that wants to go through a period of deep understanding of Maoism. Perfect compilation
A majority of the articles/essays are historical and might not have much use beyond an examination of the conditions of China at the time, but this was still an interesting read. A fairly big portion of this volume pertains to military tactics/strategy from a Marxist-Leninist perspective. Other prominent themes include the struggle against Japanese imperialism and against the Kuomintang, and correcting mistaken ideas in the Party that have lead or will lead to failure. The last two essays in the volume, On Practice and On Contradiction, are probably my favorite though I enjoyed reading every article in this volume.
This volume covers 1926-1938. The bulk of this volume contains material relevant to Chinese Civil War and Japan's imperialist invasion of China. At the end there are two philosophical works; On Practice and On Contradiction. These two works are a summation of the Marxist-Leninist understanding of dialectical materialism. It is an attempt at constructing an epistemology from the historical materialist perspective.
A great introduction to Mao's thought and also a good crash course on Chinese history from 1927 to 1937. For whatever may have happened later (which I cannot speak to), almost all of the ideas contained here are worthy of consideration.
Cada vez que leo a algún autor clásico marxista siento un cierto Síndrome de Estocolmo: no es exactamente lo mío, pero me veo capaz (a ratos) de empatizar con sus teorías al ver las cosas que pasaban en su mundo y los enemigos a los que tenían que enfrentarse. De cosas que podrían comprenderse peor no hablo, más que nada porque en este volumen sólo se recopilan trabajos del principio de la carrera política de Mao al frente del Partido Comunista de China, es decir, que aún estaba en la oposición al Kuomintang de Chiang Kai-Shek y en pleno intento japonés de invasión.
Y es ahí cuando entiendo las cosas que ofrece porque yo haría algo muy parecido si la situación fuese similar; Mao ofreció al Gobierno del país, con el que se llevaba a matar incluso militarmente, una unidad nacional (y mira que me gusta poco el concepto "nación") en contra del principal enemigo del momento, el que no solo iba a imposibilitar el avance hacia la revolución socialista que ellos proponían sino el retroceso de nuevo hacia un sistema feudal en el que los amos iban a venir de fuera. Por supuesto, puso condiciones para el pacto, ¡pero son las mismas que practican nuestros estados liberales modernos! Elecciones democráticas, unidad de acción con las naciones que estuvieran en contra del enemigo común... Es decir, que lo que el común de los mortales de hoy en día sabe de Mao (o al menos de este Mao primerizo) es relativamente poco y queda enturbiado por otros movimientos posteriores; sin embargo, el Mao de los años '30, cuando en Europa avanzaban las dictaduras, solo pedía condiciones liberales para una China que aún estaba saliendo de su Edad Media.
Por supuesto, todo esto concuerda perfectamente con las teorías de Vladimir Lenin, al que nombra con cada vez más admiración a medida que va ahondando en las teorías dialécticas marxistas y ganando peso dentro del Partido. De hecho este tomo incluye varios ensayos también sobre esas teorías, cosa que me ha asombrado porque, como ya me pasó con el líder soviético, estoy conociendo aspectos de sus pensamientos que nunca nadie me enseñó. Creo que los sistemas educativos actuales están cortados por un cierto rasero, aunque supongo que no es necesario que yo les diga esto.
Por lo demás, me he quedado ojiplático al descubrir lo poco que sé sobre China. Uno cree que con unas cuantas pelis y la periódica visita a probar su gastronomía (adaptada a nuestro paladar la mayor parte del tiempo) tiene ya medio camino hecho, pero he tenido que leer esto para darme cuenta de la vastedad de su geopolítica y lo realmente tarde que entraron al Progreso. Ni con un mapa de la época he terminado de enterarme bien de todos los movimientos que hacían los diferentes ejércitos por su superficie, así que tendré que aplicarme bien para enterarme de todo lo que viene en los sucesivos tomos.
“How then should we interpret the word "soon" in the statement, "there will soon be a high tide of revolution"? This is a common question among comrades. Marxists are not fortune-tellers. They should, and indeed can, only indicate the general direction of future developments and changes; they should not and cannot fix the day and the hour in a mechanistic way. But when I say that there will soon be a high tide of revolution in China, I am emphatically not speaking of something which in the words of some people "is possibly coming", something illusory, unattainable and devoid of significance for action. It is like a ship far out at sea whose mast-head can already be seen from the shore; it is like the morning sun in the east whose shimmering rays are visible from a high mountain top; it is like a child about to be born moving restlessly in its mother's womb.”
“The change in the revolution will come later. In the future the democratic revolution will inevitably be transformed into a socialist revolution. As to when the transition will take place, that will depend on the presence of the necessary conditions, and it may take quite a long time. We should not hold forth about transition until all the necessary political and economic conditions are present and until it is advantageous and not detrimental to the overwhelming majority of the people throughout China. It is wrong to have any doubts on this matter and expect the transition to take place soon, as some of our comrades did when they maintained that the transition in the revolution would begin the moment the democratic revolution began to triumph in key provinces. They did so because they failed to understand what kind of country China is politically and economically and to realize that, compared with Russia, China will find it more difficult, and require much more time and effort, to complete her democratic revolution politically and economically.”
Mao Tse Tung's "Selected Works of Mao Tse Tung: Volume 1", his writings in the China Communist Party before the Japanese Occupation War in China, young Mao Tse Tung's articles, notes, reports, messages, speechs. Mao Tse Tung worked at university in Paris after the Communist International began to work, Mao Tse Tung was the Member of Communist International in his education in Paris. When Mao Tse Tung comes to China, he began to write his articles for the Central Committe of China Communist Party, his writings on the Chinese questions, regional, national, international questions, he works to describe these to be useful practically in the China Communist Party politics. Mao Tse Tung was educated in Paris by the Communist International to be one of the leaders of Chinese Marxism, in his "Selected Works of Mao Tse Tung: Volume 1", we can see! Now, during the global crisis, Mao Tse Tung's "Selected Works of Mao Tse Tung: Volume 1" can help to comprehense the current questions of the world.
This first volume of Mao's writings goes through his early revolutionary career beginning partway through the conflicts with Chiang Kai-Shek and leading into the foundation of his alliance with Chiang against the Japanese. The works themselves are flushed with socialist rhetoric, propaganda, etc., generally everything which is saying "this is how our socialist policies work, anything other than this is horrible" without proving the actually veracity of the socialist system. One particularly disturbing writing has Mao's ethical claim that anything revolutionary is de facto morally correct. No doubt this type of attitude is what led to the deaths of millions of his own citizens decades later. In any case, the collection is useful for understanding the mindset and tactics of the Chinese socialists in the 1920s-30s as well as the rationalizing of joining with their enemies in light of the Japanese invasions.
Very good! It may sound simple but one of the most striking aspects is the extent to which the young Mao is so attentively tracking all the details of their revolutionary movement and attempting to synthesize the lessons for all involved. "No investigation, no right to speak," etc.
A lot of these apply to investing, if we think of the market as the enemy and each investment a war. In this analogy, the enemy is big and strong, so there is a lot of to learn from someone who beat an enemy hundreds of his size.
If you want to know what Mao Tse-tung was thinking when he was creating the Peoples Republic of China this book is for you. As you read through the many books that are contained in this book you can see what were the peoples ideals at that time, how the revolution started, and how it took place. The book its self is easy to read for it was well translated and well written, but the ideas that are held within, might prove a little hard to handle, for this is a really well written propaganda book. It might not seem like that way at first, but we have to keep in mind that the books with in books were letters and articles directed to the people in china to persuade them to join the peoples movement. All and all it is a great read if you want to learn more about china than what the history books tell you.