The set of ideas on which I agree with Eagleton form the basis of my own pedagogical creed:
1. Western culture, which is based on Protestant, Enlightenment values of political liberalism and economic capitalism, is meant to be a form of civilization in which people are free to pursue ultimate kinds of meaning in their own ways and on their own terms. This, for me, is a good thing, in general.
2. But the human condition is marked by pain and confusion, and tendencies to shallowness, selfishness and cruelty -- a condition the religious, wisdom, philosophical and political traditions of the world have tried to call our attention to, and to mitigate or ameliorate. "Tragic humanism, whether in its socialist, Christian[, Buddhist] or psychoanalytic varieties, holds that only by a [spiritual] process of self-dispossession and radical [political] remaking can humanity come into its own" (169). There will always be inner work to do – to reduce selfishness, anxiety, anger, etc. – and outer = political work to do, to make sure there’s enough justice and general welfare to go around.
3. However, Western civilization tends not to recognize this, because as a ground for its political freedoms, it has also produced the myth of human perfectionism: "A new, prestigious image of Man ... as free, controlling, agentlike, autonomous, invulnerable, dignified, self-responsible, self-possessed, contemplative, dispassionate, and disengaged" (82); with “enlightened trust in the sovereignty of human reason" (89), “self-satisfied faith in progress and civility, [and] purblineness to the more malign aspects of human nature” (94). This myth is hubristic and dangerous, given #2.
4. Add to this that Western liberalism overemphasizes individualism to the extent that "it fostered an atomistic notion of the self, a bloodlessly contractual view of human relations, a meagerly utilitarian vision of ethics, ... an impoverished sense of human communality, ... and a witheringly negative view of power, the state, ... and tradition" (94). These are among the "metaphysical articles of faith" of "liberal rationalism" (95), and therefor make caring and working for the oppressed difficult. "Modern market societies tend to be secular, relativist, pragmatic, and materialistic. They are this by virtue of what they do, not just of what they believe.... The problem is that this cultural climate also tends to undermine the metaphysical values on which [socio-]political authority in part depends" (143).
5. Therefore, when Church and State are separated, and especially when Church and Popular Culture are separated, many (if not most) people can't manage to find any kind of ultimate meaning to pursue, and spend their lives chasing after money, sex and power. When this happens, capitalism shifts from being a liberal freedom of livelihood to an existential creed: something that can give your life meaning. That makes Western culture not merely religiously-neutral but spiritually vacuous. "Freedom of cultural expression has culminated in the schlock ideological rhetoric, and politically managed news of the profit-driven mass media" (71). "A society of packaged fulfillment, administered desire, managerialized politics, and consumerist economics is unlikely to cut to the kind of depth where theological [existential] questions can even be properly raised" (p. 39). There is simply no consensus of political and ethical morality to object to the shallowness and depravity of crass materialism.
6. Much less is there political and ethical consensus to reign in those who are able to get so much money, sex and power that they become monsters who treat those with less power, including the Earth itself, like garbage. This problem is exacerbated by "globalization, meaning the right of capital to exercise its sovereign power wherever and over whomever it chooses" (72). Western "civilization ... seems bent on destroying the planet, slaughtering the innocent, and manufacturing human inequality on an unimaginable scale" (84-5); and "Liberal humanism is simply not radical enough" (68) to take the actual horrors of human and ecological injustice seriously, being obsessed with material/commercial progress and over-confident in human perfectionism.
7. Advances in science and technology, being conducted and utilized apart from any shared sense of ethical or political morality, become more powerful tools of mindlessness, selfishness, cruelty and injustice, as well as of dignity, compassion and justice. But in the West, "The idea that science might actually have contributed to our degradation as well as to our refinement is not even cursorily considered" (87).
8. Mainstream Western Christianity today is part of this whole problem. It has become about as far-removed from the life and message of Jesus as it can be -- more worried about church attendance, sexual purity and identity politics than about feeding the hungry and freeing political prisoners. "Christianity long ago shifted from the side of the poor and dispossessed and aggressive.... For the most part, it has become the creed of the suburban well-to-do, not the astonishing promise offered to the riffraff and undercover anticolonial militants with whom Jesus himself hung out" (p. 55).
9. The rise of Christian and Muslim fundamentalism is largely a response to all of this, as is the rise of new-age spirituality, which "offers a refuge from the world, not a way to transform it" (p. 41). "The age is equally divided between a technocratic reason which subordinates fact to value, and a fundamentalist reason which replaces fact with value" (137). And let's not forget, please, that "the West ... helped radical Islam to flourish by recruiting it as a force against so-called communism -- a label used to describe any country which dared to espouse economic nationalism against Western corporate capitalism" (104).
10. But there are also religious, philosophical, spiritual and socialist critiques of the dark side of Western civilization, which ought to be taken seriously by believers and non-believers alike, and apart from any supernatural meaning that believers tend to bring to these issues. This critique has two parts: one warning us against thinking that capitalism can be a source of existential meaning (Eagleton: "If by sin, one means violence, aggression, envy, exploitation, aquisitiveness, possessiveness, and so on, then that these damage our creaturely and affctive life can scarcely be denied" (p. 30)), and the other a prophetic urging to make love the organizing principle of our politics.
11. Of course we need to defend the liberal values of free speech, separation of church and state, etc. against terrorism. "The liberal principles of freedom are dogmas, and are none the worse for that. It is simply a liberal paradox that there must be something close-minded about [our commitment to] open-mindedness, and something inflexible about [our commitment to] tolerance. Liberalism cannot afford to be over-liberal when it comes to its own founding principles" (127). But we need just as much to point out the existential despair beneath selfish materialism and the injustices caused by capitalism run amok. "The only cure for terrorism is justice" (56). "If the British or American way of life were to take on board the critique of materialism, hedonism, and individualism of many devout Muslims, ... Western civilization would most certainly be altered for the good" (154).
Here's where I disagree:
1. Eagleton argues that nonbelievers should stop criticizing the everyday religious beliefs and practices of ordinary believers and instead see if their criticisms hold up to the more reasonable beliefs and practices of people like Eagleton himself, for whom religious faith is not belief in a Supreme Being but a commitment to "transformational love" made in recognition of the inherent pain and confusion of the human condition; and "is for the most part performative rather than propositional" (111). "[F]aith articulates a loving commitment before it counts as a description of the way things are" (119). "The rationalist tends to mistake the tenacity of faith ... for irrational stubborness rather than for the sign of a certain interior depth, one which encompasses reason but also transcends it" (139). In the first place, it's refreshing to read this kind of intelligent, humane construal of Christianity, and certainly, "liberalism, socialism, ... religion [and] science [must] stand under the judgment of [their] own finest traditions" (136). But this whole argument is a false dichotomy: both the minority, intelligent view and the majority unintelligent view should be critiqued -- especially since Eagleton’s book illustrates, his view may be merely "the product of an intellectual elite loftily remote from actually existing religion" (58).
2. The US is about the stupidest, most greedy, shallow and war-mongering nations in the history of the world. Actually, reading this book after the US 2016 election I can only half disagree with this.
3. “Intellectual is not at its finest when it springs from grief, hatred, hysteria, humiliation, and the urge for vengance, along with some deep-seated racist fears and fantasies" (141). I agree with this but have to use it against Eagleton himself, whose caricatures of Dawkins and Hitchens and of every aspect of American culture are so hyperbolic as to be cartoonish. As he so eloquently says, “The other side of pathologizing one's enemy is exculpating oneself" (108). In fact, in general, his over-the-top wit is only exhilirating until it becomes tedious, by about page 3. It’s also telling that he mostly takes Dawkins and Hitchens to task, with occasional jibes at Dennett, and makes no mention of the work of Harris, Jacoby and others. There is virtually no evidence that Eagleton thinks he can learn anything from these thinkers – he even blames them for not going far enough in criticizing the horrors of religious violence that he already condemns.
4. The book is full of false dichotomies –or saying "the difference between science and theology ... is one over whether you see the world as a gift or not" (p. 37) – and false equivalences, like calling atheism another kind of fundamentalism (how tired), or like saying that "Like religion, science is a culture, not just a set of procedures and hypotheses.... Science has its high priests, sacred cows, revered scriptures, ideological exclusions, and rituals for suppressing dissent" (132-33).
5. "[T]he arts ... provide an ersatz sort of transcendence in a world from which spiritual values have been largely banished" (83). Eagleton should read Dewey’s classic Art as Experience to realize how impoverished this understanding of art is.