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SDS
Book by Kirkpatrick Sale
752 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1973
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Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews
September 13, 2022
In his book, Kirkpatrick Sale traces the evolution of SDS from its formative years as a descendant of the League for Industrial Democracy in 1960 through the tumult of that decade, to its disbandment into conflicting factions by 1970. He provides color and dimension by presenting many new details about the personalities of SDS leaders and the complexity of a volatile national group of reformers and revolutionaries.
The author discusses in detail the entry of Communist Progressive Labor Party members and disgruntled adolescents with a clear anti-intellectual slant into the SDS after 1965. His portrayal of the anti-Vietnam activism and community organizing stages of SDS history is meticulously researched. He delivers new and original information about the great variety in administrative competence inside SDS, and his analysis offers the reader numerous insights into the organization's different factions and strategies. Additionally, it reveals how various ranks of members perceived SDS and its goals.
The bibliography that Sale draws on is extensive and complete. The early history of the League for Industrial Democracy, a list of SDS officers in chronological order, and the organization's constitution with the necessary amendments and deletions are all included in the appendices.
Although the author's writing is vivid, his analytical skills fall short of his journalistic abilities. There are both small and significant flaws of analysis in his work. For instance, Sale says little about the ideology of SDS members, the literature they studied, or the mentors who helped shape their perspectives on society and sparked a revival of American radicalism, although both the youth who later founded SDS and the students who chose not to join it read the few academics who brought attention to political and social issues.
The author's unbalanced perspective on several complex matters is a more serious flaw. For instance, he stigmatizes universities as collaborators in the perpetuation of social "evils" and brands S. I. Hayakawa, the former president of San Francisco State College, as "megalomaniacal" for taking the initiative to put an end to the 1968–1969 university strike. The author seems oddly callous to the rights and welfare of students who wanted to complete their education unhindered by frightening strike tactics, but he is ready to criticize Hayakawa for calling off-campus police to disperse disruptive pickets and their supporters.
The most notable instance of Sale's unbalanced assessment of important issues is his incomplete explanation for SDS's decision to turn from reform to revolution and abandon coalition politics for estranged elitism. According to him, this transformation can be explained by the corruption of American Society: its racism and poverty, the complicity between government and business, Southern violence against black people, the assassination of its leaders, the cultural demoralization of its youth, police brutality, and its unresponsiveness to the pleas and programs of the New Left for reform. In short, he embraces the views of the New Left and does not go beyond them. He does not consider the possibility that SDS turned to revolution not only because it was disgusted by the negative aspects of American society, but also because its programs and strategies had failed, and it had shifted from being concerned for other people to being outraged at the alleged injustices done to the alienated youth who comprised it – a transformation that eventually led to political isolation.
The author also does not acknowledge the fact that SDS hid behind an ineffective revolutionary frontline instead of acknowledging its own flaws. It could not overcome its administrative ineptitude, which Sale reveals, and emulate the perseverance that it so admired in SNCC. After less than three years as an advocate for reform, SDS condemned government progress toward the solution of social problems as "tokenism" and exchanged ideological independence and altruism for subservience to Marxism-Leninism.
Sale's narrative is interesting, but laudative in a way that makes it seem like the account was written by an outsider who was allowed to see only the good side of SDS. There is a lack of context for many of the events and confusion between what the student activists actually did and what the author would like to think that they did. Furthermore, the author focuses mainly on the National Office, which limits his perspective.
SDS is a well-written account of the development of the SDS, but its analysis is shallow. Sale does not offer deep insights into the social and political history of America in the sixties. This book is suitable for readers who would like to acquire general knowledge of the SDS. For more in-depth reading, I highly recommend Vandals in the Bomb Factory: The History and Literature of the Students for a Democratic Society – a superior work about SDS, its history and literature.
The author discusses in detail the entry of Communist Progressive Labor Party members and disgruntled adolescents with a clear anti-intellectual slant into the SDS after 1965. His portrayal of the anti-Vietnam activism and community organizing stages of SDS history is meticulously researched. He delivers new and original information about the great variety in administrative competence inside SDS, and his analysis offers the reader numerous insights into the organization's different factions and strategies. Additionally, it reveals how various ranks of members perceived SDS and its goals.
The bibliography that Sale draws on is extensive and complete. The early history of the League for Industrial Democracy, a list of SDS officers in chronological order, and the organization's constitution with the necessary amendments and deletions are all included in the appendices.
Although the author's writing is vivid, his analytical skills fall short of his journalistic abilities. There are both small and significant flaws of analysis in his work. For instance, Sale says little about the ideology of SDS members, the literature they studied, or the mentors who helped shape their perspectives on society and sparked a revival of American radicalism, although both the youth who later founded SDS and the students who chose not to join it read the few academics who brought attention to political and social issues.
The author's unbalanced perspective on several complex matters is a more serious flaw. For instance, he stigmatizes universities as collaborators in the perpetuation of social "evils" and brands S. I. Hayakawa, the former president of San Francisco State College, as "megalomaniacal" for taking the initiative to put an end to the 1968–1969 university strike. The author seems oddly callous to the rights and welfare of students who wanted to complete their education unhindered by frightening strike tactics, but he is ready to criticize Hayakawa for calling off-campus police to disperse disruptive pickets and their supporters.
The most notable instance of Sale's unbalanced assessment of important issues is his incomplete explanation for SDS's decision to turn from reform to revolution and abandon coalition politics for estranged elitism. According to him, this transformation can be explained by the corruption of American Society: its racism and poverty, the complicity between government and business, Southern violence against black people, the assassination of its leaders, the cultural demoralization of its youth, police brutality, and its unresponsiveness to the pleas and programs of the New Left for reform. In short, he embraces the views of the New Left and does not go beyond them. He does not consider the possibility that SDS turned to revolution not only because it was disgusted by the negative aspects of American society, but also because its programs and strategies had failed, and it had shifted from being concerned for other people to being outraged at the alleged injustices done to the alienated youth who comprised it – a transformation that eventually led to political isolation.
The author also does not acknowledge the fact that SDS hid behind an ineffective revolutionary frontline instead of acknowledging its own flaws. It could not overcome its administrative ineptitude, which Sale reveals, and emulate the perseverance that it so admired in SNCC. After less than three years as an advocate for reform, SDS condemned government progress toward the solution of social problems as "tokenism" and exchanged ideological independence and altruism for subservience to Marxism-Leninism.
Sale's narrative is interesting, but laudative in a way that makes it seem like the account was written by an outsider who was allowed to see only the good side of SDS. There is a lack of context for many of the events and confusion between what the student activists actually did and what the author would like to think that they did. Furthermore, the author focuses mainly on the National Office, which limits his perspective.
SDS is a well-written account of the development of the SDS, but its analysis is shallow. Sale does not offer deep insights into the social and political history of America in the sixties. This book is suitable for readers who would like to acquire general knowledge of the SDS. For more in-depth reading, I highly recommend Vandals in the Bomb Factory: The History and Literature of the Students for a Democratic Society – a superior work about SDS, its history and literature.
April 5, 2007
700 pages documenting the rise and fall of SDS. absolutely definitive source. amazing for research purposes, i can't imagine reading it for fun though. watch the documentary 'rebels with a cause' first for background's sake.
January 10, 2008
Would some publisher out there get it together to put this book back into print?
July 21, 2025
This American classic is now back in print after a too long absence. Hurrah. Kirpatrick Sale, "a sympathizer not member of Students for a Democratic Society" dissects the origins, paths, rise and fall of the organization that by 1969 was simultaneously the largest student group in the United States and largest anti-war group. By 1970 it was dissolved by the leadership, never to return. Sale uses this strange and tragic trajectory to tell the bigger story of America in the Sixties; from Eisenhowerian conformism to Kennedy charisma to "part of the way with LBJ", yep, that was the slogan of SDS during the 1964 elections, to radicalization in and through the civil rights and anti-Vietnam war movement to revolution under the Weatherman faction of SDS. SDS began with Tom Hayden and finished with Bernadine Dohrn. What happened to SDS from 1960-1970 happened to America. Illusions in the Democratic Party and reform of an undemocratic society, followed by radicalization and retreat from mainstream politics, and "bourgeois lifestyles", and ending in a failed attempt to forge a New Left. Was this venture doomed from a start in an essentially conservative country or does America have the potential to birth a home-grown radicalism? Timely questions.
July 11, 2024
It's hard to think of a history that grasps more completely how social movements work and how they develop. It isn't the only book you should read about the '60s in the US, which were of course not all about white students, but it's indispensable for what it does.
PS: having read the fiftieth anniversary republication from Autonomedia, it seems like Sale's always-present anti-Marxism and left-libertarian tendencies have curdled into a deeply pessimistic generic libertarianism, unable to recognize the echoes of the '60s in current struggles (possibly in part because of racism, depending on the meaning of some odd comments about Obama).
PS: having read the fiftieth anniversary republication from Autonomedia, it seems like Sale's always-present anti-Marxism and left-libertarian tendencies have curdled into a deeply pessimistic generic libertarianism, unable to recognize the echoes of the '60s in current struggles (possibly in part because of racism, depending on the meaning of some odd comments about Obama).
January 29, 2019
Because this was written shortly after the implosion of SDS in 1969, Sale's book is replete with details that it is hard to imagine anyone else surpassing. He made extensive use of the SDS papers in Wisconsin and almost every conceivable source of information (except FBI files) on SDS and its leaders. Because it was written so close to the events, it naturally lacks historical context and distance. As a Port Huron SDSer, I found his tale inspiring at first, and then, naturally discouraging and dispiriting as factional infighting, self-righteousness, and love of violence came to dominate.
October 4, 2023
Solid, comprehensive review of SDS's rise and fall. Would definitely have benefited from some historical perspective w.r.t the ultimate outcomes of groups such as the WUO, the PFOC, etc. but absolutely great for an on-the-ground understanding of the organization itself.
October 4, 2020
Probably what we need right now. Don't ever leave, make colleges and universities the 5th Estate, organize cities and towns around them, etc.
July 10, 2025
good insight into the characters and the factions of SDS, i find that there’s a lack of information on the state repression faced by students - it wasnt just sectarianism that ended SDS
July 4, 2007
very very detailed history of the original SDS, its characters, its campaigns, its flaws, and its collapse. written in 1973 with surprisingly little time for hindsight. nevertheless makes a very good and interesting read.
Read
March 23, 2008About the rise and fall of SDS, from a very straight intellectual discussion group run by Robert's Rules of Order to the Weathermen.
February 26, 2009
A good history of the 1960's org from a very particular point of view.
August 30, 2010
I read "SDS" in the late 80s and thought it was a quality piece of work.
Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews