Not for Bread Alone: A Memoir

by Moe Foner, Dan North, Ossie Davis (Foreword)

"I operated under the theory that a good union doesn't have to be dull."―Moe Foner "Don't waste any time mourning―organize."―Joe Hill Moe Foner, who died in January 2002, was a leading player in 1199/SEIU, New York's Health and Human Service Union, and a key strategist in the union's fight for recognition and higher wages for thousands of low-paid hospital workers. Foner also was the founder of Bread and Roses, 1199's cultural program created to add dimension and artistic outlets to workers' lives. Foner produced a musical about hospital workers; invited Woody Guthrie and Pete Seeger to perform for workers and their children; presented stars such as Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee, Sidney Poitier, Harry Belafonte, and Alan Alda; and installed the only permanent art gallery at a union headquarters. One of Foner's last projects was a poster series called "Women of Hope," which celebrates African American, Native American, Asian American, and Latina women including Maya Angelou, Maxine Hong Kingston, Septima P. Clark, and the Delaney sisters Sarah and Elizabeth. Today his legacy is the largest and most important cultural program of any union. Not for Bread Alone traces Foner's development from an apolitical youth whose main concerns were basketball and music to a visionary whose pragmatism paved the way for legislation guaranteeing hospital workers the right to unionize. Foner writes eloquently about his early life in Brooklyn as the son of a seltzer delivery man and about many of the critical developments in the organization of hospital workers. He provides an insider's perspective on major strikes and the struggle for statewide collective bargaining; the leadership styles of Leon Davis, Doris Turner, and Dennis Rivera; and the union's connection to key events such as the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War.

160 pages, Hardcover

First published August 15, 2002

Reviews

[John Ryan · Rating 4 out of 5]

With you would enjoy a nice discussion with a progressive leftist Jew who spent his life helping mostly African American and Latino women who do backbreaking work in mostly New York City hospitals through collective bargaining and empowerment, you would love this book. Shortly before Mr. Foner passed away, he finished this book on his personal reflections, sharing his experiences and feelings. This book has some twists and turns along the way with a dark time that was hard to read after hearing so many stories about hope and struggle but ends on a hopeful note.

Race and workers rights often come together but rarely in this unique manner. The union that is highlighted is NYC’s 1199, originally a union of mostly white male drugstore workers before the national drugstore chains controlled the industry. But the entry to labor union work started for Mr. Foner as a staff member of the NYC department store union, locals 1250 and Local 5, with a combined membership of 18,000. He shares that life for these workers centered around their union, entertainment, children activities, and activities that are now often performed by paid staff of larger unions. He then changed over to the larger 1199, a progressive union where staff wasn’t paid more than members, workers were encouraged to participate in their union in a co-op model rather than a union service model, and innovations were the norm – life changing approaches like pension funds, prescription drug plans, and training. Remember, this was the 1950’s.

1199 was different. While largely Jewish men, they already had a record of supporting civil rights – in the 1930’s. The union’s 1937 campaign to hire blacks as pharmacists was successful. They were one of the earliest unions to celebrate Negro History Week. And in the late 1950’s, they focused on organizing mostly African American and Hispanic hospital workers who toiled at the lowest, poverty level jobs in the 1950’s. The book points out that racism and laws left these workers out of the right to be lifted out of poverty by banning together and utilizing collective bargaining. Mr. Foner was hired to issue their newspaper and offer educational and recreational programs. He thought out of the box, hosting major names that brought entertainment but also dignity to these workers – people like Sammy Davis, Jr. and Elenor Roosevelt.

The memoir highlights some of the worker campaigns at various NYC hospitals, starting at Montefiore with 900 service and maintenance workers. The union set up a headquarters near the hospital, and organized the workers while the union educated the community leaders that laws purposely excluded these workers even from minimum wages. 1199 had to work to bring the central labor council to their side, using their relationships to make a difference with these workers who worked so hard for so little. On December 30, 1958, workers voted 628 to 31 for representation and within three months, they earned a $30 a month pay increase, premium pay for over 40 hours, a grievance procedure, and sick leave and vacation time.

With that win, the union recruited their drug store workers to volunteer to expand their rights to others with what they called the Crack of Dawn Brigades, members who leafleted other hospitals starting at 5:30 am, the time when these low wage workers started work. Remember, this was mostly Jewish men who were volunteering to help mostly women of color. Mount Sinai, Beth Israel, Beth David, Bronx, Brooklyn Jewish, Lenox Hill Hospitals walked out together with about 3,500 workers halting their work. The union had no strike benefits but set up food kitchens and relied on contributions from other unions. IBEW, a union of mostly white males, was one of the largest contributors. Despite the work, the union’s unit wasn’t big enough to put enough pressure on the hospitals. But the workers won a substantial settlement with community/political support. It included pay raises, paid overtime, arbitration, but the hospital wouldn’t recognize the union despite workers joining and electing representatives. Recognition would occur over time – and continuing fighting.

It took future strikes, and reaching out to both people that were natural allies – like the NAACP – and an expanded tent like Republican Governor Nelson Rockefeller. The union also expanded their power by organizing other units but knew that hospital workers are status oriented so they had different named units representing the various types of works. They also expanded out with their progressive politics, highlighting national leaders like Congressman and civil rights leader John L. Lewis, Walter Ruther, Dr. King, Reverend Andy Young, Rev. Ralphy Abernathy, and my personal long-time friend, Reverend James Orange, and progressive U.S. Senators like Eugene McCarthy and Vance Hartke (an Indiana senator who opposed the Viet Nam War!). They utilized these big names to help further their power and accomplishments. Foner discloses how they utilized the media to change public opinion and put pressure on the hospitals. The author wrote a telegram for Coretta King to pen speaking about their workers big win of a $100 minimum weekly wage from their 1968 contract negotiations. But it was the unity of the workers themselves that increased their power the most – singing together, marching, civil disobedience, and wearing buttons that said, “We Did it!”

The book’s title is off of the amazing art’s program that is a signature 1199 program. The author shares how he had to secure the funding, often failing with his presentations to the arts/foundation world, probably because funders couldn’t imagine a workers’ cooperative of low wage, usually lower educated workers having an interest in arts. Some of his offerings reminded me of the Cleveland labor movement’s worker as artist exhibits and the arts advocate program designed by Joan Kalhorn and promoted by Upholsterers Union (Steelworkers now) former leader, Ben Shouse.

Sadly, as with any democratic organization, 1199 went through tough days with a leader who was elected who didn’t hold up the same values as past leaders. Foner was honest in mentioning that race played a role, although he certainly had a side and his explanation of the structure of the union was a bit confusing. He shared that there was a 1984 strike that wasn’t thought through with a settlement that wasn’t what had been promised to members. While workers were losing pay, the president and her administration were living high at a downtown NYC hotel. The union divided, fought, and even became violent and out of control. The author joined a splintered group that later took over the union and restored their proud traditions. The contested union was won by a fairly small margin – 18,972 to 16,039. A subsequent strike was successful.

A lot is packed into this short book, including points I didn’t highlight like their national expansion, starting in the south. The internal union division was a bit confusing with discussion of joining both AFSCME and SEIU, some parts going back to their original international union, and independence. That potion of the book could have been left out in that this was mostly a book about worker empowerment, the consequence of racism in America, and the impact of laws that purposely leave out people from being able to have a voice. The author even mentioned briefly that he landed a spot on President Richard Nixon’s enemy list, a place where people later wished they had earned.

Maybe this book was more impactful for me as I thought of my own time as a union president of a mostly women’s local union with a large number of African American members. Race sometimes played a role and sexism made it harder to be taken seriously despite that we were the largest CWA local in the state – and region. But it was our empowerment, member involvement and building systems – largely thanks to Seth Rosen – that gave us power to win and improve the conditions for our membership.

[Kati · Rating 5 out of 5]

A first person narration of the history of 1199 and the Bread & Roses cultural project. A quick, compelling and fascinating read.