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Faith and Feminism in Pakistan: Religious Agency or Secular Autonomy?
Are secular aims, politics, and sensibilities impossible, undesirable and impracticable for Muslims and Islamic states? Should Muslim women be exempted from feminist attempts at liberation from patriarchy and its various expressions under Islamic laws and customs? Considerable literature on the entanglements of Islam and secularism has been produced in the post-9/11 decade and a large proportion of it deals with the “Woman Question”. Many commentators critique “the secular" and “Western feminism,” and the racialising backlash that accompanied the occupation of Muslim countries during the “War on Terror” military campaign launched by the U.S. government after the September 11 attacks in 2001. Implicit in many of these critical works is the suggestion that it is Western secular feminism that is the motivating driver and permanent collaborator – along with other feminists, secularists and human rights activists in Muslim countries – that sustains the West’s actual and metaphorical “war on Islam and Muslims.”
Faith and Feminism addresses this post-9/11 critical trope and its implications for women’s movements in Muslim contexts. The relevance of secular feminist activism is illustrated with reference to some of the nation-wide, working-class women’s movements that have surged throughout Pakistan under religious militancy: polio vaccinators, health workers, politicians, peasants and artists have been directly targeted, even assassinated, for their service and commitment to liberal ideals. Afiya Zia contends that Muslim women’s piety is no threat against the dominant political patriarchy, but their secular autonomy promises transformative changes for the population at large, and thereby effectively challenges Muslim male dominance.
This book is essential reading for those interested in understanding the limits of Muslim women’s piety and the potential in their pursuit for secular autonomy and liberal freedoms.
Faith and Feminism addresses this post-9/11 critical trope and its implications for women’s movements in Muslim contexts. The relevance of secular feminist activism is illustrated with reference to some of the nation-wide, working-class women’s movements that have surged throughout Pakistan under religious militancy: polio vaccinators, health workers, politicians, peasants and artists have been directly targeted, even assassinated, for their service and commitment to liberal ideals. Afiya Zia contends that Muslim women’s piety is no threat against the dominant political patriarchy, but their secular autonomy promises transformative changes for the population at large, and thereby effectively challenges Muslim male dominance.
This book is essential reading for those interested in understanding the limits of Muslim women’s piety and the potential in their pursuit for secular autonomy and liberal freedoms.
- GenresFeminism
235 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2018
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
October 6, 2018
'Courage in the face of suppression', is what I see in Afiya S. Zia's book. And, courage is a scarce commodity when it comes to facing the terrorists.
The case of Atif Mian is an eye opener.
FEMINISM strives for equal rights and opportunities for men and women, that didn't exist even in Europe and America until the twentieth century.
United States Congress passed the nineteenth amendment in 1919, granting women the right to vote.
Women in Pakistan have the right to vote, but miss a lot in terms of rights and opportunities - thanks to a deadly mix of local customs and faith.
Dr. Afiya gives an interesting and daring account of the secular feminist movements, and their efforts. These movements were secular, and did achieve some results. Their method may be called 'Secular Autonomy'.
After 9/11, however, faith-based movements joined in. These involved collaboration between Islamist groups, top western centres of learning, and Pakistani and other muslim scholars working in western universities. The interest of the West was to soften the militant Islam. Besides, capitalist west saw opportunities for profit in the 'Islamic industry' - hijab, halal polio vaccine, etc. The overseas muslim scholars - the author calls them diaspora - found lucrative financial and career opportunities. The Islamist groups had their own objectives.
Everyone had a share in the pie, except the feminism.
Afiya calls the whole set-up 'Religious Agency'.
The title of the book poses the question:
'Religious Agency' or 'Secular Autonomy'
Afiya chooses the latter option, and supports her choice with a long anthropological discourse.
I find it easier to do the same by a lesson from the history.
Europeans didn't progress until the state and church were separated. Muslims need to do the same.
The clergy apply brakes at each and every step.
Just imagine, how long it took them to accept the printing press, modern education, train, loud speaker, and photography! Now, they are issuing fatwas against bank interest. I wonder what would be their position on the issue after a few decades?
The author says that the book is an academic publication. I agree whole heartedly.
It is not easy to understand for general public, especially its first half. There are long sentences and unfamiliar terminology.
However, I did like two terms new to me - rent a maulvi, and gender apartheid.
The case of Atif Mian is an eye opener.
FEMINISM strives for equal rights and opportunities for men and women, that didn't exist even in Europe and America until the twentieth century.
United States Congress passed the nineteenth amendment in 1919, granting women the right to vote.
Women in Pakistan have the right to vote, but miss a lot in terms of rights and opportunities - thanks to a deadly mix of local customs and faith.
Dr. Afiya gives an interesting and daring account of the secular feminist movements, and their efforts. These movements were secular, and did achieve some results. Their method may be called 'Secular Autonomy'.
After 9/11, however, faith-based movements joined in. These involved collaboration between Islamist groups, top western centres of learning, and Pakistani and other muslim scholars working in western universities. The interest of the West was to soften the militant Islam. Besides, capitalist west saw opportunities for profit in the 'Islamic industry' - hijab, halal polio vaccine, etc. The overseas muslim scholars - the author calls them diaspora - found lucrative financial and career opportunities. The Islamist groups had their own objectives.
Everyone had a share in the pie, except the feminism.
Afiya calls the whole set-up 'Religious Agency'.
The title of the book poses the question:
'Religious Agency' or 'Secular Autonomy'
Afiya chooses the latter option, and supports her choice with a long anthropological discourse.
I find it easier to do the same by a lesson from the history.
Europeans didn't progress until the state and church were separated. Muslims need to do the same.
The clergy apply brakes at each and every step.
Just imagine, how long it took them to accept the printing press, modern education, train, loud speaker, and photography! Now, they are issuing fatwas against bank interest. I wonder what would be their position on the issue after a few decades?
The author says that the book is an academic publication. I agree whole heartedly.
It is not easy to understand for general public, especially its first half. There are long sentences and unfamiliar terminology.
However, I did like two terms new to me - rent a maulvi, and gender apartheid.
October 12, 2019
An academic critique of post secularist scholarship that is peddling Islamic feminism, as being more effective in tackling the challenges of a post 9/11 Muslim world where secular feminism—according to said scholarship—is proving to be obsolete and misplaced.
Afiya efficiently denies the notion that Islamic feminism—a docile pietist initiative which prioritises women’s agency over their rights—is a viable alternative to Secular feminism—which presents a direct challenge to the religious patriarchy—and any attempts to present it as such are not only futile but tend to dilute the secular feminist movement within the Muslim world.
Most of the book seemed repetitive, but such is the nature of all academic work which is aimed at proving/disproving a central theory. Nevertheless the real life examples bring life to it, especially the case of the formation of the Woman National Councillors(WNC) as a result of the local body elections and the role of women in the Okara peasants movement, which provided unique insights into the nature of such grassroots movements and the multidimensional challenges that they face from various power players including but not limited to the clergy and the state.
Overall a good read to understand the challenges and successes of the feminist movement of Pakistan especially in a post War on Terror, rather, a post modernist, world.
Afiya efficiently denies the notion that Islamic feminism—a docile pietist initiative which prioritises women’s agency over their rights—is a viable alternative to Secular feminism—which presents a direct challenge to the religious patriarchy—and any attempts to present it as such are not only futile but tend to dilute the secular feminist movement within the Muslim world.
Most of the book seemed repetitive, but such is the nature of all academic work which is aimed at proving/disproving a central theory. Nevertheless the real life examples bring life to it, especially the case of the formation of the Woman National Councillors(WNC) as a result of the local body elections and the role of women in the Okara peasants movement, which provided unique insights into the nature of such grassroots movements and the multidimensional challenges that they face from various power players including but not limited to the clergy and the state.
Overall a good read to understand the challenges and successes of the feminist movement of Pakistan especially in a post War on Terror, rather, a post modernist, world.
June 21, 2025
"If these women subscribe to a traditional, patriarchal and conservative religious ethos, then why would they engage for changing the status quo by negotiating or demanding autonomy or independence? By definition, surely, women who adhere to male-interpreted, traditional or conservative interpretations of Islam and the prescribed forms of social roles and hierarchies of relationships would not aspire towards liberal goals. However, if autonomy refers to daily mobility here, then the practice of bargaining and negotiating within patriarchal limitations is a well-documented feature in Muslim contexts and its operation within familial relationships too have been studied extensively. This is by no means a value addition to the theory on faith and development. Towards what ends are these women jostling and negotiating by using faith as the driver for autonomy, if they are simultaneously adherents of traditional Islamic precepts? What are the emancipatory goals for these said aspirants of leadership if it is not equality, as described by supposedly Western feminism? Moreover, if such leadership is bound to traditional patriarchal precepts, why is this of gendered interest?"
Afiya Zia's exhaustive book on the criticism of Pakistan's faith-based "feminist" movements and post-secularist critiques on "Western" feminism reads like an elaborate thesis that threatens to engulf the reader in a barrage of academic terminologies and a combative style of writing without actually getting informed on a very relevant commentary on the curtailment and violation of women's rights in Pakistan's deeply religious and patriarchal society. One has to maneuver through this discomfort- akin to reading a philosophy text-book- to really appreciate the case Zia is making with her allusions to the brutalities of the Taliban regime in NWFP, Musharraf's horde of delusional liberals during the Enlightened-Moderation era and Zia's war on Pakistan's women during 11 years of a fanatical religiosity-inspired dictatorship.
Zia discusses in-depth the works of other seminal scholars, both liberal and post-secular voices and analyzes their arguments on universal human rights grounds. She is highly critical of faith based feminist movements arguing ferociously about their limited scope and the fact that their adherence to an existing patriarchal set up would do nothing more than enhance the mobility of women under the governance of male figures without actually breaking this authoritarian social set-up where women are under constant surveillance by men. She is also dismissive about post-secular scholars' repeated attempts to reinterpret Quranic translations in a bid to showcase Islam in a positive light when it comes to women's rights and criticizing "Western" feminist notions simultaneously. Instead, Zia believes such practices are highly redundant- doing nothing more than limiting rights-based groups' attempts to fight for female empowerment in the country based on secular, universal concepts of right to education, liberty, healthcare and mobility that must extend to all human beings- not just men.
She is highly critical of pseudo-liberals who are detached from the ground realities of Pakistan and the grassroots struggles of women in villages, urban centers and tribal areas in an attempt to carve out space in a social fabric that has sidelined them to the distant edges- suppressing their freedom to express and emote.
Another key aspect of Zia's ground-breaking work is a categorical criticism of Pakistan's law-making bodies' consistent reliance on Quranic principles to create legislation highly adherent to patriarchal norms- including the Zina law. She is critical of the religious text itself considering it to be a reserve for patriarchal ideologies that can be consistently accessed and utilized by law making bodies entrenched in patriarchy- an example being the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) which famously ruled against the archaic practice of marrying off women to the Holy Quran (in a bid to force them to forsake their inheritance rights) not on humanitarian grounds but on religious precepts- since the council believed it to be an insult to the holy book rather than human beings.
She also discusses the rise in post-secular narratives about the structure of feminist movements in the East and how it must be protected from liberal Western narratives in the post 9/11 era- with the entire argument shifting from the rights-based struggle of groups such as the WAF (Women's Action Forum) to defending religious ideologies and rulings. She consistently argues for a universal struggle towards establishing women rights in a region that has consistently failed its ethnic, sectarian, religious and gender minorities since its inception.
Afiya Zia's exhaustive book on the criticism of Pakistan's faith-based "feminist" movements and post-secularist critiques on "Western" feminism reads like an elaborate thesis that threatens to engulf the reader in a barrage of academic terminologies and a combative style of writing without actually getting informed on a very relevant commentary on the curtailment and violation of women's rights in Pakistan's deeply religious and patriarchal society. One has to maneuver through this discomfort- akin to reading a philosophy text-book- to really appreciate the case Zia is making with her allusions to the brutalities of the Taliban regime in NWFP, Musharraf's horde of delusional liberals during the Enlightened-Moderation era and Zia's war on Pakistan's women during 11 years of a fanatical religiosity-inspired dictatorship.
Zia discusses in-depth the works of other seminal scholars, both liberal and post-secular voices and analyzes their arguments on universal human rights grounds. She is highly critical of faith based feminist movements arguing ferociously about their limited scope and the fact that their adherence to an existing patriarchal set up would do nothing more than enhance the mobility of women under the governance of male figures without actually breaking this authoritarian social set-up where women are under constant surveillance by men. She is also dismissive about post-secular scholars' repeated attempts to reinterpret Quranic translations in a bid to showcase Islam in a positive light when it comes to women's rights and criticizing "Western" feminist notions simultaneously. Instead, Zia believes such practices are highly redundant- doing nothing more than limiting rights-based groups' attempts to fight for female empowerment in the country based on secular, universal concepts of right to education, liberty, healthcare and mobility that must extend to all human beings- not just men.
She is highly critical of pseudo-liberals who are detached from the ground realities of Pakistan and the grassroots struggles of women in villages, urban centers and tribal areas in an attempt to carve out space in a social fabric that has sidelined them to the distant edges- suppressing their freedom to express and emote.
Another key aspect of Zia's ground-breaking work is a categorical criticism of Pakistan's law-making bodies' consistent reliance on Quranic principles to create legislation highly adherent to patriarchal norms- including the Zina law. She is critical of the religious text itself considering it to be a reserve for patriarchal ideologies that can be consistently accessed and utilized by law making bodies entrenched in patriarchy- an example being the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) which famously ruled against the archaic practice of marrying off women to the Holy Quran (in a bid to force them to forsake their inheritance rights) not on humanitarian grounds but on religious precepts- since the council believed it to be an insult to the holy book rather than human beings.
She also discusses the rise in post-secular narratives about the structure of feminist movements in the East and how it must be protected from liberal Western narratives in the post 9/11 era- with the entire argument shifting from the rights-based struggle of groups such as the WAF (Women's Action Forum) to defending religious ideologies and rulings. She consistently argues for a universal struggle towards establishing women rights in a region that has consistently failed its ethnic, sectarian, religious and gender minorities since its inception.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews