Καιρός για επανάσταση

by Antonio Negri, Antonio Solaro (translator), Γιώργος Καράμπελας (editor)

Υπάρχει ακόμη θέση για αντίσταση σε μια κοινωνία ολότελα ενσωματωμένη στον καπιταλισμό; Το ερώτημα ποτέ δεν ήταν πιο κρίσιμο και η απάντησή του περνάει δίχως άλλο από τη διορατική και παθιασμένη προσέγγιση του Αντόνιο Νέγκρι.

Ο Νέγκρι έγραψε τα δύο δοκίμια που απαρτίζουν αυτό τον τόμο στις φυλακές όπου κλείστηκε σε δύο διαφορετικές περιόδους της ζωής του, με κατηγορίες για σύσταση οργάνωσης και εξέγερση κατά του κράτους και ανάμειξη σε ακροαριστερές ομάδες και πολιτικές δολοφονίες. Αν και τα κείμενα απέχουν δύο δεκαετίες μεταξύ τους, διαπνέονται από τα ίδια ερωτήματα γύρω από τη φιλοσοφία του χρόνου και της επανάστασης. Το πρώτο ψηλαφεί τις γραμμές θραύσης που φέρνουν την καπιταλιστική κοινωνία σε διαρκή κρίση. Το δεύτερο, γραμμένο αμέσως μετά την Αυτοκρατορία, την παγκόσμια επιτυχία του Νέγκρι μαζί με τον Μάικλ Χαρντ, αναπτύσσει τις δύο έννοιες-κλειδιά της αυτοκρατορίας και του πλήθους.

Genres: Philosophy, Politics, Nonfiction, Theory

320 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 2003

About the author

Antonio Negri was an Italian political philosopher known as one of the most prominent theorists of autonomism, as well as for his co-authorship of Empire with Michael Hardt and his work on the philosopher Baruch Spinoza. Born in Padua, Italy, Negri became a professor of political philosophy at the University of Padua, where he taught state and constitutional theory. Negri founded the Potere Operaio (Worker Power) group in 1969 and was a leading member of Autonomia Operaia, and published hugely influential books urging "revolutionary consciousness."
Negri was accused in the late 1970s of various charges including being the mastermind of the left-wing urban guerrilla organization Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse or BR), which was involved in the May 1978 kidnapping and murder of former Italian prime minister Aldo Moro. On 7 April 1979, he Negri was arrested and charged with a long list of crimes including the Moro murder. Most charges were dropped quickly, but in 1984 he was still sentenced (in absentia) to 30 years in prison. He was given an additional four years on the charge of being "morally responsible" for the violence of political activists in the 1960s and 1970s. The question of Negri's complicity with left-wing extremism is a controversial subject. He was indicted on a number of charges, including "association and insurrection against the state" (a charge which was later dropped), and sentenced for involvement in two murders.
Negri fled to France where, protected by the Mitterrand doctrine, he taught at the Paris VIII (Vincennes) and the Collège international de philosophie, along with Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Gilles Deleuze. In 1997, after a plea-bargain that reduced his prison time from 30 to 13 years, he returned to Italy to serve the end of his sentence. Many of his most influential books were published while he was behind bars. He hence lived in Venice and Paris with his partner, the French philosopher Judith Revel. He was the father of film director Anna Negri.
Like Deleuze, Negri's preoccupation with Spinoza is well known in contemporary philosophy. Along with Althusser and Deleuze, he has been one of the central figures of a French-inspired neo-Spinozism in continental philosophy of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, that was the second remarkable Spinoza revival in history, after a well-known rediscovery of Spinoza by German thinkers (especially the German Romantics and Idealists) in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

Reviews

[Bradley · Rating 4 out of 5]

Best line - one must be destitute to be a philosopher. The sense of desperation puts all the inessential questions to the wayside...but, as I found in my times being poor, it always turned me into a communist. One always gravitates towards, no, obsesses about what one lacks! Power, money, sustenence..which creates a sense that one has fallen out of capitalist times where all is provided at one with the middle class pie in the sky.

[David · Rating 5 out of 5]

You couldn't call this an easy read. As with most of the best philosophers it requires hard work and interpretation. However it is worth it, Negri is able to deconstruct the middle class capitalist ideal and examine how it fails all but the top 5% taken in the context in which globilization and more, capital make the parliamentary decisions.

[Sam]

One of my faves of Negri.

[Funda Guzer]

Teorik

[Haktan DÖĞEN · Rating 4 out of 5]

Negri, zaman fikrini sadece fiziki veya tarihsel bir akış olarak değil, üretim ilişkileriyle, sınıf mücadelesiyle ve devrimci praksisle örülü bir ontolojik alan olarak ele alır. Bu yaklaşımla, klasik zaman – emek ilişkisini, Fordist paradigmanın ötesine taşır ve zamanın bizzat sömürü nesnesine dönüştüğü post-Fordist düzende, zamana karşı devrimci bir müdahale imkanını sorgular.

Negri’nin yöntemi yoğunlukla Spinoza, Marx, Deleuze-Guattari ve Foucault çizgisinden beslenen ontolojik bir materyalizmle şekillenir. Zamanı yalnızca kapitalist üretim sürecinin ölçüsü değil, aynı zamanda çokluğun (multitudo) kurucu eylemi içinde yeniden üretilen bir alan olarak inşa eder.

Kitap üç ana bölümden oluşur:

1) Zamanın Oluşumu: Burada kapitalizmin zamanı nasıl boyunduruk altına aldığı tartışılır. Zaman, sermayenin üretkenlik ölçüsü haline gelir. Ancak bu sürecin içinde antagonistik bir direnç potansiyeli barındığı vurgulanır.

2) Kolektif, Üretken ve Kurucu Zaman: Bu bölümlerde zamanın yeniden kazanımı, kolektif praksisle ilişkilendirilir. Negri, zamanın artık üretken işbirliği ve toplumsal yaratıcılık aracılığıyla yeni bir kurucu zemin olarak nasıl örgütlenebileceğini sorgular.

3) Kairos, Alma Venus ve Multitudo: Bu bölümde felsefi derinlik artar. “Kairos” yani uygun an, devrimci zamanın özünü temsil eder. “Alma Venus” başlığında ortak yaşam, beden, aşk ve arzu gibi boyutlarla zamansallığın ilişkisi kurulurken, “Multitudo” kavramı altında devrimci özne tartışılır.

Negri’ye göre multitudo, artık merkezi bir proletarya figürü değil, farklı toplumsal deneyimlerin, ilişkisel pratiklerin ve maddi olmayan emeğin kurduğu ağsal ve çoğul bir öznelliktir. Bu, klasik sınıf mücadelesi modellerini aşan, fakat onlarla bağını koparmayan yeni bir siyasal özne teorisidir.

Bu çalışma, hem çağdaş kapitalizmin zaman üzerindeki tahakkümünü eleştirir hem de alternatif bir siyasal ontoloji önerir. Zaman, burada sadece tarihsel olayların dizisi değil, mücadeleyle iç içe geçmiş bir üretim alanıdır. Üretkenlik, bilgi, arzu, kolektivite gibi unsurlar, artık yalnızca ekonomik değil, ontolojik-politik boyutlarıyla da değerlendirilir.

Negri’nin felsefi yönelimi, öznenin devrimci potansiyelini tek bir sınıf ya da merkez üzerinden değil, bir çokluk üzerinden düşünmeye zorlar. Bu çokluk; kadınlar, göçmenler, öğrenciler, prekarya ve genel anlamda maddi olmayan emek biçimleriyle ilgilidir. Bu bağlamda devrim, bir “şimdi-zaman”da (Jetzt-Zeit) gerçekleşecek olan ani ve sıçramalı bir dönüşüm değil; kolektif, süreğen, imkânları örgütleyici bir kurucu sürece dönüşür.

[Kristen Turner · Rating 1 out of 5]

overwrought pedantic gobbledygook