Anthropology, and by extension archaeology, has had a long-standing interest in evolution in one or several of its various guises. Pick up any lengthy treatise on humankind written in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the chances are good that the word evolution will appear somewhere in the text. If for some reason the word itself is absent, the odds are excellent that at least the concept of change over time will have a central role in the discussion. After one of the preeminent (and often vilified) social scientists of the nineteenth century, Herbert Spencer, popularized the term in the 1850s, evolution became more or less a household word, usually being used synonymously with change, albeit change over extended periods of time. Later, through the writings of Edward Burnett Tylor, Lewis Henry Morgan, and others, the notion of evolution as it applies to stages of social and political development assumed a prominent position in anthropological disc- sions. To those with only a passing knowledge of American anthropology, it often appears that evolutionism in the early twentieth century went into a decline at the hands of Franz Boas and those of similar outlook, often termed particularists. However, it was not evolutionism that was under attack but rather comparativism― an approach that used the ethnographic present as a key to understanding how and why past peoples lived the way they did (Boas 1896).
My main areas of research focus on the integration of evolutionary theory into the social sciences, in particular archaeology and anthropology.
In the late 1990s, I began concentrating on the use of phylogenetic methods, especially cladistics, in archaeology. This was extremely controversial, as was the application of evolutionary principles to cultural phenomena generally. Today, however, evolutionary theory is well at home in archaeology, and studies employing phylogenetic methods appear routinely.
No one thinks or works in a vacuum, and over the years I've benefited from collaborative interactions with numerous archaeologists and other social scientists, especially Lee Lyman and Todd VanPool (University of Missouri) and Alex Mesoudi (Durham University). More recently, I have collaborated extensively with Mark Collard (Simon Fraser University), Briggs Buchanan (University of Tulsa), and Matt Boulanger (University of Missouri) on various aspects of Paleoindian occupation of North America.
I also collaborate with Kevin Laland (St Andrews University) on niche-construction theory as it applies to the archaeological record and with Alex Bentley (Bristol University) and Buz Brock (University of Missouri) on a wide range of topics, especially human learning and decision making in the face of unclear risks and payoffs. Our new paper, "Mapping collective behavior in the big-data era," came out earlier this year in Behavioral and Brain Sciences.
On the personal side, I have a wonderful wife, Gloria, five grown kids, and a lazy cat, Marley, who pretty much rules the house.