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Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State
Salman Rushdie once described Pakistan as a ‘poorly imagined country’. Indeed, Pakistan has meant different things to different people since its birth seventy years ago. Armed with nuclear weapons and dominated by the military and militants, it is variously described around the world as ‘dangerous’, ‘unstable’, ‘a terrorist incubator’ and ‘the land of the intolerant’.
Much of Pakistan’s dysfunction is attributable to an ideology tied to religion and to hostility with the country out of which it was carved out – India. But 95 per cent of Pakistan’s 210 million people were born after Partition, as Pakistanis, and cannot easily give up on their home.
In his new book, Husain Haqqani, one of the most important commentators on Pakistan in the world today, calls for a bold re-conceptualization of the country. Reimagining Pakistan offers a candid discussion of Pakistan’s origins and its current failings, with suggestions for reconsidering its ideology, and identifies a national purpose greater than the rivalry with India.
Much of Pakistan’s dysfunction is attributable to an ideology tied to religion and to hostility with the country out of which it was carved out – India. But 95 per cent of Pakistan’s 210 million people were born after Partition, as Pakistanis, and cannot easily give up on their home.
In his new book, Husain Haqqani, one of the most important commentators on Pakistan in the world today, calls for a bold re-conceptualization of the country. Reimagining Pakistan offers a candid discussion of Pakistan’s origins and its current failings, with suggestions for reconsidering its ideology, and identifies a national purpose greater than the rivalry with India.
485 pages, Kindle Edition
Published April 9, 2018
84 people are currently reading
714 people want to read
About the author
Husain Haqqani
21 books104 followersHusain Haqqani (Urdu: حسین حقّانی; born July 1, 1956), alternately spelled Hussain Haqqani, is a Pakistani political author and the former Pakistan Ambassador to the United States, appointed by Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani in April 2008, marking a return to government service after being exiled in 1999 following criticisms against the government of then-President Pervez Musharraf. Haqqani resigned on November 22, 2011.
Prior to serving as Ambassador to the United States, Haqqani held several high-ranking positions including as adviser to three former Pakistani prime ministers and as envoy to Sri Lanka. In additions, Haqqani had been a prominent journalist, scholar and educator. He is currently a Senior Fellow and Director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. and co-editor of Hudson's signature journal Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. Haqqani is also the Director of the Center of International Relations and a Professor of the Practice of International Relations at Boston University.
Haqqani was born in Karachi where he was raised in a conservative but educated middle-class family in Malir outside Karachi.
He began his interest in journalism while in high school. In 1973 he joined Karachi University. He would frequently visit the library at the U.S. consulate, reading volumes of American history. Later, when students wanted to attack the consulate as part of a protest against the United States, Haqqani refused.
He received a B.A. degree with distinction in 1977 and an M.A. degree with distinction in international relations in 1980 from the University of Karachi.
In March 2000, he married Farahnaz Ispahani, a former producer at CNN and MSNBC, member of the Pakistani National Assembly, and the granddaughter of Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani, Pakistan's first ambassador to Washington. The Pakistan Ambassador's residence in Washington was purchased and donated by her grandfather.
He has lived in the United States since 2002, and is a fan of Thomas Jefferson and the Boston Red Sox.
Prior to serving as Ambassador to the United States, Haqqani held several high-ranking positions including as adviser to three former Pakistani prime ministers and as envoy to Sri Lanka. In additions, Haqqani had been a prominent journalist, scholar and educator. He is currently a Senior Fellow and Director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. and co-editor of Hudson's signature journal Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. Haqqani is also the Director of the Center of International Relations and a Professor of the Practice of International Relations at Boston University.
Haqqani was born in Karachi where he was raised in a conservative but educated middle-class family in Malir outside Karachi.
He began his interest in journalism while in high school. In 1973 he joined Karachi University. He would frequently visit the library at the U.S. consulate, reading volumes of American history. Later, when students wanted to attack the consulate as part of a protest against the United States, Haqqani refused.
He received a B.A. degree with distinction in 1977 and an M.A. degree with distinction in international relations in 1980 from the University of Karachi.
In March 2000, he married Farahnaz Ispahani, a former producer at CNN and MSNBC, member of the Pakistani National Assembly, and the granddaughter of Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani, Pakistan's first ambassador to Washington. The Pakistan Ambassador's residence in Washington was purchased and donated by her grandfather.
He has lived in the United States since 2002, and is a fan of Thomas Jefferson and the Boston Red Sox.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 54 reviews
July 17, 2018
Quick observations -
1. A author that I hold in very high regard for his frank & bold views. It takes a man of rare courage to be so critical of Pakistan while being a member of the Pakistani establishment - just take a look at what happened to Lt. Gen. Assad Durrani after the "Spy Chronicles".
2. At the same time I must admit, in all honesty, that I enjoyed this book because the author is so hawkish on Pakistan. Had a person presented views in a similar vein regarding India, I might not have appreciated it.
3. The author presents a fantastic & profound analysis of what exactly ailes Pakistan. He has been able to elaborate with great insight on the fundamentals that have caused the nation to become dysfunctional. This will definitely add to the reader's understanding of the issue at hand.
4. At the same time, the title is misleading. One - the author has not "remagined" Pakistan. He has simply deliberated on the reasons for Pakistan's ailments. There is no blueprint for the future. And two - the author is repetitive. The same set of basic reasons have been reiterated throughout the length of the book.
All-in-all, a good & informative read. But could've been better.
P. S. - As an Indian, it is in our own interest, let alone abstractions like "humanity", to see a strong, prosperous & secure Pakistan.
1. A author that I hold in very high regard for his frank & bold views. It takes a man of rare courage to be so critical of Pakistan while being a member of the Pakistani establishment - just take a look at what happened to Lt. Gen. Assad Durrani after the "Spy Chronicles".
2. At the same time I must admit, in all honesty, that I enjoyed this book because the author is so hawkish on Pakistan. Had a person presented views in a similar vein regarding India, I might not have appreciated it.
3. The author presents a fantastic & profound analysis of what exactly ailes Pakistan. He has been able to elaborate with great insight on the fundamentals that have caused the nation to become dysfunctional. This will definitely add to the reader's understanding of the issue at hand.
4. At the same time, the title is misleading. One - the author has not "remagined" Pakistan. He has simply deliberated on the reasons for Pakistan's ailments. There is no blueprint for the future. And two - the author is repetitive. The same set of basic reasons have been reiterated throughout the length of the book.
All-in-all, a good & informative read. But could've been better.
P. S. - As an Indian, it is in our own interest, let alone abstractions like "humanity", to see a strong, prosperous & secure Pakistan.
April 30, 2018
The book start is promising, takes the burden off the individual Pakistanis and places it squarely on the state of Pakistans policy of using Islam as a central theme to create the ideology of the nation. But the narrative is all over the place, the book is badely edited, loads of repetition and worst of all pretty prejudiced view of history which made it very difficult to digest Haqqani. The book is similar to Pakistan's story, great promising start but fizzles out in a incherence and confused haze of fog.
All in all a poor intellectual effort.
All in all a poor intellectual effort.
September 3, 2019
This book has a very promising start and one gets the feeling that the author will build up on his arguments and provide some valuable suggestions for getting us out of the quagmire, that we are, stuck into now. However, it turns into a very boring rant about how Pakistan's root cause of destruction is the unholy nexus of civil and military bureaucracy, that in cahoots with mullahs are responsible for our current state of affairs.
Every sane person in Pakistan knows this. Move on to some workable solutions but the author doesn't. Instead, he stuffs us with the grim statistics of how Pakistan is a sore thumb in the international community. Surely, the readers would have appreciated some valid suggestions and solutions.
It's repetitive and the organisation of the paragraphs and, by the extension, the whole book sucks. Big time!
Every sane person in Pakistan knows this. Move on to some workable solutions but the author doesn't. Instead, he stuffs us with the grim statistics of how Pakistan is a sore thumb in the international community. Surely, the readers would have appreciated some valid suggestions and solutions.
It's repetitive and the organisation of the paragraphs and, by the extension, the whole book sucks. Big time!
January 29, 2024
Thought-provoking but yeah something that is not acceptable to the mainstream history of the country.
September 25, 2018
The book leads its reader back to struggle for Pakistan how its leaders imagined the would-be country prior to partition quoting hitherto literature. It takes reader how its leaders developed narrative and ran it through decades and how cultivated foreign policy and formed alliances. The book provides understanding of the country’s strongest institution. Above all, in the second last chapter ‘Warrior, not Trader’ it gives an insight into how the country’s economic is imagined from pre-partition to date which requires to be reimagined.
Wherever the writer has started his sentences with phrase “instead of” or word “if” thereafter he presents his potential valuable guidelines and directions for the country's policymakers it to be reimagined for the new generations.
Wherever the writer has started his sentences with phrase “instead of” or word “if” thereafter he presents his potential valuable guidelines and directions for the country's policymakers it to be reimagined for the new generations.
March 7, 2023
Husain Haqqani is an ex-Pakistani diplomat, and being from the establishment offers great insights into the several chronic problems that plague Pakistan as a nation.
He speaks at length about how the principle issue is that Pakistan has an identity crisis that emanates from the fact that the concept of Pakistan as a separate nation was artificially manufactured by a select elite from India and then deliberately advocated by using polarising politics on socio-religious lines.
Haqqani also draws parallels on socio-economic metrics between Pakistan and other South Asian nations and ex-colonies to show how Pakistan has been left economically impoverished due to decades-old misplaced priorities of the government establishment that continue to this day. He speaks deeply about how the centerstage of Pakistani politics is taken by a "manufactured sense of insecurity", military-nationalism and religious extremism - with aspects like economic growth being chronically neglected.
These various factors are explained in an interwoven manner along with Pakistan's history - from the British Raj, to Jinnah, Liaquat, Ayub Khan, Bhutto, Zia ul-Huq, Musharraf and Sharif. The other drivers of Pakistani politics - Bangladesh liberation, the Afghan issue, the Cold War, American influence and Indian politics are explained through a cause-effect analysis throughout the book.
While the ideas explained in the book are very thought provoking, the writing style is barely ordinary. The flow of the book is badly designed - with several unnecessary repetition of facts and statistics/news headlines/references that read out of place. The book should definitely have been a much more succinct read.
He speaks at length about how the principle issue is that Pakistan has an identity crisis that emanates from the fact that the concept of Pakistan as a separate nation was artificially manufactured by a select elite from India and then deliberately advocated by using polarising politics on socio-religious lines.
Haqqani also draws parallels on socio-economic metrics between Pakistan and other South Asian nations and ex-colonies to show how Pakistan has been left economically impoverished due to decades-old misplaced priorities of the government establishment that continue to this day. He speaks deeply about how the centerstage of Pakistani politics is taken by a "manufactured sense of insecurity", military-nationalism and religious extremism - with aspects like economic growth being chronically neglected.
These various factors are explained in an interwoven manner along with Pakistan's history - from the British Raj, to Jinnah, Liaquat, Ayub Khan, Bhutto, Zia ul-Huq, Musharraf and Sharif. The other drivers of Pakistani politics - Bangladesh liberation, the Afghan issue, the Cold War, American influence and Indian politics are explained through a cause-effect analysis throughout the book.
While the ideas explained in the book are very thought provoking, the writing style is barely ordinary. The flow of the book is badly designed - with several unnecessary repetition of facts and statistics/news headlines/references that read out of place. The book should definitely have been a much more succinct read.
February 19, 2023
“Many writers, including Salman Rushdie, have argued that Pakistan was ‘insufficiently imagined’, given the ambiguities inherent in the demand for Pakistan.” (Loc: 1226-1232) and also “Pakistan’s unfortunate history may justify the description of Pakistan as being ‘insufficiently imagined’, but imagination is by definition not a finite process. An entity that is insufficiently imagined can be reimagined.” (Loc: 1243-1244 ) is the main theme of the book trying to re-imagine so that Salman Rushdie statement can be changed for the next generation of Pakistanis.
While Haqqani a born Pakistani through “This book (is my) effort at compiling historical facts, political realities, and economic veracities that are often denied as part of Pakistan’s ‘positive’ narrative. It is an invitation to change the way Pakistanis imagine their nation and state so that its reality changes, which might work a lot better than living in denial.” ( Loc: 155-157 )
Haqqani argues that Pakistan has struggled to establish a stable and democratic political system since its founding, and that its current challenges stem from a lack of national cohesion and a lack of clarity about the country's identity and purpose. He also critiques the country's political leaders and military establishment, who he claims have used religion and nationalism to maintain power and control over the state. To address these challenges, Haqqani proposes a rethinking of the country's identity and its relationship with the rest of the world. He advocates for a secular, democratic state that promotes pluralism and respect for human rights. He also calls for reforms in the military and intelligence services so that we can see “how would its next seven decades be any different from the past seventy years?” (Loc: 5165-5165 )
This book is divided into 8 chapters in addition to introduction.
Chapter 1: A Resilient ‘International Migraine’? gives a detail current situation of Pakistan as a country mosaiced with gaps of deficits: budget deficits, fiscal deficits, trade deficits. A detailed statistics is provided explaining how bad the situation of Pakistan is in its state today and how these are brushed under the carpet.
Chapter 2: Faith, Grievance and Special Purpose details history of how the country was badly thought off. The founding fathers had no vision beyond creation of Pakistan, a nation separate from Hindu India. He explains how wrong policy choices made by its leaders, where emotions trumped over the pragmatic solutions resulted in disasters start of the country.
Chapter 3: Ideological Dysfunction show Pakistan willingly or not willingly slipped into Islamism. How leaders like Liaqat Ali, Yahya Khan without being religious themself pushed Islam as the binding force to hold onto and leading to loss of east Pakistan.
Chapter 4: Islamist Rage Chapter explain after losing Bangladesh instead of pushing Pakistan as “territorial state” all politicians and army did was to push people towards more Islamization thus missing an opportunity to do course correction.
Chapter 5: Insecurity and Jihad has been used consistently throughout history as a deterrence and gaining importance in the world. Right from Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (Pakistan’s PM in 1956) who first used “Pakistan in danger” till date, same outcry is used to be in power or unite people or sometimes to deflect attention. Haqqani explains to the extent Pakistan has been using Jihad as a state policy to save political leaders and control people. He feels both politicians and army used conspires theories that has taken a life of its own for its short term gains.
Chapter 6: ‘The Institution’ describe paranoia that the army establishment creates so that it can control the masses. From the beginning after belatedly deciding on Karachi as the capital, Muslim League leaders expected the British Indian Army to resolve the problems they might encounter in accommodating the government of their new country to every time when country was in problem. His main point is unlike other countries that rises its army to match its threat, Pakistani inherits a large army and rises the threat to match it.
Chapter 7: Warriors, not Traders Haqqani explains how Pakistan’s founders introduced Pakistan as a nation of warriors and emphasized its strategic location while seeking external economic assistance pushing country into "Dutch disease". He has shown the correlation between Pakistan’s economic growth and the availability of external aid during military rule resulting in non-self-reliance of Pakistan and remain dependent on others to pay its bill.
Chapter 8: Avoiding the March of Folly author concluded that Pakistan has tick in all four types of misgovernance as mentioned by Robert Trivers in the book “folly of fools” viz, Governance of deception, Governance of conflict, Governance of mistakes and Governance of corruption. He giving advices of how it could be avoided in future by re-imagining Pakistan.
The suggestion that surprises me is that Pakistani have to give up Islamic state and be secular state. Though this sounds logical but if they wanted secular state they can as well be with India, there was no need of creation of Pakistan. Moreover, being religious country is not a problem. The problem is people taking religious words too seriously. This is because it is religious books that spew venom against non-believers for example it asks to chain non-believers till, they embrace Islam (Bukaru 25,392), do not make them allies (Quran 3.28), do not be friend to them (Quran 4.144) and so on and on… even the last wish of Mohammad in his death bed was to expel pagans from Arab (Bukari 3053).
It is sad that Haqqani also falls in the same trap that Jinnah was a secular politician and wanted secular Pakistan, but it was British and religious Gandhi resulted in division, when he states “Gandhi, who had fought for India’s independence from the British, was deemed by Jinnah as his primary rival. It was Gandhi’s personal religious devotion that had driven Jinnah, a secular politician, out of the Congress and on to demanding Pakistan. Gandhi believed that the religious divisions that were being invoked to demand India’s partition had been fueled by British officials” (Loc: 773-778 ) But he fails to understand that the real two-nation theory stems from Quran even before Syed Ahamd Khan propagates. If one reads Quran 4.97-100 carefully, it is evident that Quran wants all Muslims to move away from evil (Kafir) land to much pious (pure) land. And the reason for partition is all the three.
While Haqqani a born Pakistani through “This book (is my) effort at compiling historical facts, political realities, and economic veracities that are often denied as part of Pakistan’s ‘positive’ narrative. It is an invitation to change the way Pakistanis imagine their nation and state so that its reality changes, which might work a lot better than living in denial.” ( Loc: 155-157 )
Haqqani argues that Pakistan has struggled to establish a stable and democratic political system since its founding, and that its current challenges stem from a lack of national cohesion and a lack of clarity about the country's identity and purpose. He also critiques the country's political leaders and military establishment, who he claims have used religion and nationalism to maintain power and control over the state. To address these challenges, Haqqani proposes a rethinking of the country's identity and its relationship with the rest of the world. He advocates for a secular, democratic state that promotes pluralism and respect for human rights. He also calls for reforms in the military and intelligence services so that we can see “how would its next seven decades be any different from the past seventy years?” (Loc: 5165-5165 )
This book is divided into 8 chapters in addition to introduction.
Chapter 1: A Resilient ‘International Migraine’? gives a detail current situation of Pakistan as a country mosaiced with gaps of deficits: budget deficits, fiscal deficits, trade deficits. A detailed statistics is provided explaining how bad the situation of Pakistan is in its state today and how these are brushed under the carpet.
Chapter 2: Faith, Grievance and Special Purpose details history of how the country was badly thought off. The founding fathers had no vision beyond creation of Pakistan, a nation separate from Hindu India. He explains how wrong policy choices made by its leaders, where emotions trumped over the pragmatic solutions resulted in disasters start of the country.
Chapter 3: Ideological Dysfunction show Pakistan willingly or not willingly slipped into Islamism. How leaders like Liaqat Ali, Yahya Khan without being religious themself pushed Islam as the binding force to hold onto and leading to loss of east Pakistan.
Chapter 4: Islamist Rage Chapter explain after losing Bangladesh instead of pushing Pakistan as “territorial state” all politicians and army did was to push people towards more Islamization thus missing an opportunity to do course correction.
Chapter 5: Insecurity and Jihad has been used consistently throughout history as a deterrence and gaining importance in the world. Right from Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (Pakistan’s PM in 1956) who first used “Pakistan in danger” till date, same outcry is used to be in power or unite people or sometimes to deflect attention. Haqqani explains to the extent Pakistan has been using Jihad as a state policy to save political leaders and control people. He feels both politicians and army used conspires theories that has taken a life of its own for its short term gains.
Chapter 6: ‘The Institution’ describe paranoia that the army establishment creates so that it can control the masses. From the beginning after belatedly deciding on Karachi as the capital, Muslim League leaders expected the British Indian Army to resolve the problems they might encounter in accommodating the government of their new country to every time when country was in problem. His main point is unlike other countries that rises its army to match its threat, Pakistani inherits a large army and rises the threat to match it.
Chapter 7: Warriors, not Traders Haqqani explains how Pakistan’s founders introduced Pakistan as a nation of warriors and emphasized its strategic location while seeking external economic assistance pushing country into "Dutch disease". He has shown the correlation between Pakistan’s economic growth and the availability of external aid during military rule resulting in non-self-reliance of Pakistan and remain dependent on others to pay its bill.
Chapter 8: Avoiding the March of Folly author concluded that Pakistan has tick in all four types of misgovernance as mentioned by Robert Trivers in the book “folly of fools” viz, Governance of deception, Governance of conflict, Governance of mistakes and Governance of corruption. He giving advices of how it could be avoided in future by re-imagining Pakistan.
The suggestion that surprises me is that Pakistani have to give up Islamic state and be secular state. Though this sounds logical but if they wanted secular state they can as well be with India, there was no need of creation of Pakistan. Moreover, being religious country is not a problem. The problem is people taking religious words too seriously. This is because it is religious books that spew venom against non-believers for example it asks to chain non-believers till, they embrace Islam (Bukaru 25,392), do not make them allies (Quran 3.28), do not be friend to them (Quran 4.144) and so on and on… even the last wish of Mohammad in his death bed was to expel pagans from Arab (Bukari 3053).
It is sad that Haqqani also falls in the same trap that Jinnah was a secular politician and wanted secular Pakistan, but it was British and religious Gandhi resulted in division, when he states “Gandhi, who had fought for India’s independence from the British, was deemed by Jinnah as his primary rival. It was Gandhi’s personal religious devotion that had driven Jinnah, a secular politician, out of the Congress and on to demanding Pakistan. Gandhi believed that the religious divisions that were being invoked to demand India’s partition had been fueled by British officials” (Loc: 773-778 ) But he fails to understand that the real two-nation theory stems from Quran even before Syed Ahamd Khan propagates. If one reads Quran 4.97-100 carefully, it is evident that Quran wants all Muslims to move away from evil (Kafir) land to much pious (pure) land. And the reason for partition is all the three.
April 17, 2019
without any biases and prejudice, I'll be dead honest. This book is a pack of crap. Haqqani is a desperate author always seeking attention in the Western World.
Every country has its own social order, the things described in this book are applicable in the Haqqani's illusional Pakistan, not in Pakistan where I live.
Every country has its own social order, the things described in this book are applicable in the Haqqani's illusional Pakistan, not in Pakistan where I live.
July 27, 2023
Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State - A Thought-Provoking Analysis with Room for Debate
Husain Haqqani's "Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State" is a thought-provoking examination of Pakistan's challenges, offering insights into its complex political landscape, foreign policy, and the role of its nuclear arsenal. While the book provides valuable perspectives, it is not without its limitations and points of contention.
Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador, brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to his analysis. He delves deep into Pakistan's historical, cultural, and political context, shedding light on the factors that have shaped the country's trajectory. Haqqani's exploration of Pakistan's nuclear capabilities and their implications for regional and global security is particularly relevant and engrossing.
One of the strengths of "Reimagining Pakistan" is Haqqani's willingness to tackle sensitive and controversial topics. He addresses the influence of the military establishment on Pakistan's political landscape and criticizes the state's inability to address extremism effectively. The book raises important questions about the need for structural reforms, democratic governance, and a focus on education to foster a more inclusive and prosperous future for Pakistan.
However, the book's analysis is not without its biases and potential oversights. Haqqani's critique of Pakistan's military and intelligence agencies, while valid in many respects, can be seen by some as one-sided and lacking nuance. Additionally, the author's emphasis on the role of the United States and external actors in shaping Pakistan's trajectory may overlook internal dynamics and the agency of the Pakistani people themselves.
When compared to its contemporaries, "Reimagining Pakistan" offers a unique perspective due to Haqqani's insider knowledge and experience. However, it is important to note that other scholars and analysts may present differing viewpoints on the complex issues addressed in the book. Works by authors such as Ayesha Jalal, Ahmed Rashid, and Shuja Nawaz provide alternative analyses that can broaden the understanding of Pakistan's challenges and potential solutions.
Critically analyzing "Reimagining Pakistan," it becomes evident that while Haqqani provides valuable insights, his analysis could have been further enriched by incorporating diverse perspectives. The book is a thought-provoking contribution to the discourse on Pakistan's future, but readers should engage with it critically, considering alternative viewpoints and approaches to fully comprehend the complexities of the subject matter.
In conclusion, "Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State" by Husain Haqqani offers a valuable analysis of Pakistan's political landscape, foreign policy, and nuclear capabilities. While the book raises important questions and presents thought-provoking insights, it should be approached critically, considering alternative viewpoints and potential biases. As part of a broader reading list on Pakistan's challenges and transformations, it contributes to a deeper understanding of the country's complexities and the potential paths forward.
Husain Haqqani's "Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State" is a thought-provoking examination of Pakistan's challenges, offering insights into its complex political landscape, foreign policy, and the role of its nuclear arsenal. While the book provides valuable perspectives, it is not without its limitations and points of contention.
Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador, brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to his analysis. He delves deep into Pakistan's historical, cultural, and political context, shedding light on the factors that have shaped the country's trajectory. Haqqani's exploration of Pakistan's nuclear capabilities and their implications for regional and global security is particularly relevant and engrossing.
One of the strengths of "Reimagining Pakistan" is Haqqani's willingness to tackle sensitive and controversial topics. He addresses the influence of the military establishment on Pakistan's political landscape and criticizes the state's inability to address extremism effectively. The book raises important questions about the need for structural reforms, democratic governance, and a focus on education to foster a more inclusive and prosperous future for Pakistan.
However, the book's analysis is not without its biases and potential oversights. Haqqani's critique of Pakistan's military and intelligence agencies, while valid in many respects, can be seen by some as one-sided and lacking nuance. Additionally, the author's emphasis on the role of the United States and external actors in shaping Pakistan's trajectory may overlook internal dynamics and the agency of the Pakistani people themselves.
When compared to its contemporaries, "Reimagining Pakistan" offers a unique perspective due to Haqqani's insider knowledge and experience. However, it is important to note that other scholars and analysts may present differing viewpoints on the complex issues addressed in the book. Works by authors such as Ayesha Jalal, Ahmed Rashid, and Shuja Nawaz provide alternative analyses that can broaden the understanding of Pakistan's challenges and potential solutions.
Critically analyzing "Reimagining Pakistan," it becomes evident that while Haqqani provides valuable insights, his analysis could have been further enriched by incorporating diverse perspectives. The book is a thought-provoking contribution to the discourse on Pakistan's future, but readers should engage with it critically, considering alternative viewpoints and approaches to fully comprehend the complexities of the subject matter.
In conclusion, "Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State" by Husain Haqqani offers a valuable analysis of Pakistan's political landscape, foreign policy, and nuclear capabilities. While the book raises important questions and presents thought-provoking insights, it should be approached critically, considering alternative viewpoints and potential biases. As part of a broader reading list on Pakistan's challenges and transformations, it contributes to a deeper understanding of the country's complexities and the potential paths forward.
March 23, 2019
Brilliant analysis of root cause of problem called Pakistan which becomes ‘International migraine’. Husain Haqqani is not only prominent commentator on Pakistan but also closely associated with Pakistan state in past currently living in exile in USA. He was ambassador of Pakistan in USA and adviser of three Pakistani Prime Ministers including Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. This brings authenticity in his arguments and analysis. Pakistan is a state in permanent paranoia. The very argument of its creation makes state in permanently insecure mode. Using Islam and heatedness towards ‘Hindu India’ as a basis to build identity of new nation crated a vicious cycle which catalyzed by disproportionately large army. Divided in eight chapters, author one by one unleashes problems of Pakistan. The very foundation of two nation theory based on religion and heatedness, adherence to strong religious nationalism after independence, insecurity and Jihad, virtually nonexistent institutions and there lays inherent warrior instead of trader in normal Pakistani makes this nation dysfunctional.
Author gives historical and ideological perspective in support of his narrative. He argues that most nations raise an army proportionate to the size of threat to their security. In Pakistan’s case, the magnitude of security threats has been expanded to match the size of an army inherited from the colonial era. And this is the center of all problems. Army not only gets disproportionate share of national resources but also exercised undue influence on civilian matters and foreign policy. To keep popular support for this, army manipulates flow of information as well as distorts History. Pakistan’s obsession with Kashmir and self-proclaimed guardian of Islam attitude multiplies her problems. Author discusses insecurities and Jihad in detail. As an Indian, we often see Jihad in very straight forward manner. But ideology of different Jihadi groups based in middle east, Afghanistan and state sponsored terror in Kashmir, their internal politics and intricacies of their relation of Pakistani state is discuss in detail. In contest of India, idea of Ghazwa-e-Hind as a war against contemporary Indian state becomes ‘a staple of discourse’ after the launch of jihad in Kashmir in 1989.
Though title of this book also includes ‘Reimagining’, author mostly discusses ‘Dysfunctional’ part. His using quote of American statesman Carl Schurz: ‘My country, right or wrong; if right, to be kept right; if wrong, to be set right’ shows deep statesman nature of author. And of course it takes courage to write this type of books in Pakistan. For India, rise of somewhat religious nationalism in recent years, though not as intense as neighboring state and symptoms of group thinking as indicated in this book is also matter of concern. As author rightly says that most of Indian sees Pakistan’s emergence as historic loss but no longer question its existence even if disputes the reasoning behind its creation, this book will help us to understand nature of Pakistan state which was part of our own just seven decades ago and cannot be missed.
Author gives historical and ideological perspective in support of his narrative. He argues that most nations raise an army proportionate to the size of threat to their security. In Pakistan’s case, the magnitude of security threats has been expanded to match the size of an army inherited from the colonial era. And this is the center of all problems. Army not only gets disproportionate share of national resources but also exercised undue influence on civilian matters and foreign policy. To keep popular support for this, army manipulates flow of information as well as distorts History. Pakistan’s obsession with Kashmir and self-proclaimed guardian of Islam attitude multiplies her problems. Author discusses insecurities and Jihad in detail. As an Indian, we often see Jihad in very straight forward manner. But ideology of different Jihadi groups based in middle east, Afghanistan and state sponsored terror in Kashmir, their internal politics and intricacies of their relation of Pakistani state is discuss in detail. In contest of India, idea of Ghazwa-e-Hind as a war against contemporary Indian state becomes ‘a staple of discourse’ after the launch of jihad in Kashmir in 1989.
Though title of this book also includes ‘Reimagining’, author mostly discusses ‘Dysfunctional’ part. His using quote of American statesman Carl Schurz: ‘My country, right or wrong; if right, to be kept right; if wrong, to be set right’ shows deep statesman nature of author. And of course it takes courage to write this type of books in Pakistan. For India, rise of somewhat religious nationalism in recent years, though not as intense as neighboring state and symptoms of group thinking as indicated in this book is also matter of concern. As author rightly says that most of Indian sees Pakistan’s emergence as historic loss but no longer question its existence even if disputes the reasoning behind its creation, this book will help us to understand nature of Pakistan state which was part of our own just seven decades ago and cannot be missed.
April 17, 2019
Let me begin by hoping that I do not earn the opprobrium of my Pakistani friends for writing a review of the book titled ‘Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State.’ This book extensively censures Pakistan in its ideology, the policies it fostered and the hatred she harbored on the inveterate rival and neighbour, India. Although this book presents a one-sided view, by a Pakistani author inveighing and while I am coming from the other side of the faultline, I share the views of the author proffered in the book. However, I avow that I do not share the prejudices and opinions on Pakistan that my fellow countrymen hold.
Frank Herbert once wrote “empires do not suffer emptiness of purpose at the time of their creation. It is when they have become established that aims are lost and replaced by vague ritual” — this is very much germane to a country like Pakistan. The adoption of Islam and antagonism toward India had laid the foundations for the creation of Pakistan in 1947. But the adoption of Islam as the basis of nationhood, writes Husain trenchantly, instead of as a system of beliefs designed for spirituality or piety, has contributed to social anarchy, political conflict and sectarian strife. Although India has accepted Pakistan as a Nation, Husain argues in the book that the Pakistani leaders are in the sense of fear that India would undermine, ridicule and disapprove the ‘two-nation theory’. While Pakistan tries to seek parity with India, her ideology of Pakistan nurtures extremist Islamism and obstructs her evolution as a normally functionally state. Thus, Husain gravely writes, only by reimagining itself can Pakistan find peace with itself and its neighbors and stop being viewed by the rest of the world as an international migraine. The author also expatiates in this book, on significant fissures and the inconsistencies that plague Pakistan, which are: It is a South Asian state aspiring to be part of the Middle East; it has adopted a radical version of Islamic orthodoxy as a state ideology even though its people’s practice heterodox sufism; it is generally allied to the West while being suspicious of, and being suspected by, Western nations; it’s largely authoritarian even as it speaks of itself as a democracy; it’s a nuclear power but still remains ‘insecure’; and even in periods of foreign-funded economic growth, it is unable to attain internal political or economic stability. Husain further adds that for Pakistan to survive, she needs to grow economically sufficiently, integrate globally, and not just sticking to thinking excessively on security. Now coming to the writing of the book, it is soporifically written as well as repetitive in a few places; and I find the last chapter of the book redundant
Frank Herbert once wrote “empires do not suffer emptiness of purpose at the time of their creation. It is when they have become established that aims are lost and replaced by vague ritual” — this is very much germane to a country like Pakistan. The adoption of Islam and antagonism toward India had laid the foundations for the creation of Pakistan in 1947. But the adoption of Islam as the basis of nationhood, writes Husain trenchantly, instead of as a system of beliefs designed for spirituality or piety, has contributed to social anarchy, political conflict and sectarian strife. Although India has accepted Pakistan as a Nation, Husain argues in the book that the Pakistani leaders are in the sense of fear that India would undermine, ridicule and disapprove the ‘two-nation theory’. While Pakistan tries to seek parity with India, her ideology of Pakistan nurtures extremist Islamism and obstructs her evolution as a normally functionally state. Thus, Husain gravely writes, only by reimagining itself can Pakistan find peace with itself and its neighbors and stop being viewed by the rest of the world as an international migraine. The author also expatiates in this book, on significant fissures and the inconsistencies that plague Pakistan, which are: It is a South Asian state aspiring to be part of the Middle East; it has adopted a radical version of Islamic orthodoxy as a state ideology even though its people’s practice heterodox sufism; it is generally allied to the West while being suspicious of, and being suspected by, Western nations; it’s largely authoritarian even as it speaks of itself as a democracy; it’s a nuclear power but still remains ‘insecure’; and even in periods of foreign-funded economic growth, it is unable to attain internal political or economic stability. Husain further adds that for Pakistan to survive, she needs to grow economically sufficiently, integrate globally, and not just sticking to thinking excessively on security. Now coming to the writing of the book, it is soporifically written as well as repetitive in a few places; and I find the last chapter of the book redundant
November 24, 2024
"Reimagining Pakistan" this book is written by Husain Haqqani.
He has explained some historical facts and highlighted Pakistan leadership mistakes in framing Pakistan ideology at the time of Independence. He said Pakistan needs to be reimagined through which it can develop and become one of the world's leading economies.
According to Husain Haqqani, Pakistan needs to change its definition of Nationalism, instead of one particular nation there are people belonging to multiple ethnicities, languages and cultures living in Pakistan. Instead of merging them with state's ideology they need to be given separate identity.
Pakistan needs to view itself as a trading nation instead of warrior nation. It must take advantage of its geographical location for economic purposes and there must be good relations specially with India and Afghanistan & all neighbor states. The state would have to end support for any jihadi group based and false strategic premises. Jihadi terrorism is now a threat to Pakistan and must be eliminated for Pakistan's sake.
Furthermore Pakistan's real problem is that it is not growing and developing because we as a people do not accept change. As for as Pakistan's quality of education is concerned the goal of education in Pakistan is not to enable critical thinking but to produce skilled professionals capable of applying transferred information instead of being able to think for themselves. To produce soldiers, engineers and doctors indoctrinated with a specifically defined Islamic ideology, the country has ignored liberal arts and social sciences.
Lastely, take the example of Pakistan decision to be an ideological economic state instead of embracing secular constitution successive. Pakistani leaders both Civil and military, have persisted with that choice even after the loss of East Pakistan, frequent internal discord, the rise of Islamic terrorism within the country and spectre of international isolation or falling behind other countries. The poor track record of theocarcies or of other ideological states in a modern era has not inspired a review of Pakistan's Islamist prediction. Pakistan has consistently refused to allow it's diverse ethnic groups to maintain their national character, insisting instead that they merge their identity into Pakistan. Once the secularism and pluralism are not considered as dirty words, and all national discussions need not be framed with confines of an Islamist ideology, it will become easier for Pakistan to tackle the jihadi menace. These objectives will replace Pan-Islamism, jihadism and pursuit of parity with neighbors and strategic depth which have been Pakistan’s unattained ambitions of it’s first seven decades. So Pakistan needs to be a secular a state.
He has explained some historical facts and highlighted Pakistan leadership mistakes in framing Pakistan ideology at the time of Independence. He said Pakistan needs to be reimagined through which it can develop and become one of the world's leading economies.
According to Husain Haqqani, Pakistan needs to change its definition of Nationalism, instead of one particular nation there are people belonging to multiple ethnicities, languages and cultures living in Pakistan. Instead of merging them with state's ideology they need to be given separate identity.
Pakistan needs to view itself as a trading nation instead of warrior nation. It must take advantage of its geographical location for economic purposes and there must be good relations specially with India and Afghanistan & all neighbor states. The state would have to end support for any jihadi group based and false strategic premises. Jihadi terrorism is now a threat to Pakistan and must be eliminated for Pakistan's sake.
Furthermore Pakistan's real problem is that it is not growing and developing because we as a people do not accept change. As for as Pakistan's quality of education is concerned the goal of education in Pakistan is not to enable critical thinking but to produce skilled professionals capable of applying transferred information instead of being able to think for themselves. To produce soldiers, engineers and doctors indoctrinated with a specifically defined Islamic ideology, the country has ignored liberal arts and social sciences.
Lastely, take the example of Pakistan decision to be an ideological economic state instead of embracing secular constitution successive. Pakistani leaders both Civil and military, have persisted with that choice even after the loss of East Pakistan, frequent internal discord, the rise of Islamic terrorism within the country and spectre of international isolation or falling behind other countries. The poor track record of theocarcies or of other ideological states in a modern era has not inspired a review of Pakistan's Islamist prediction. Pakistan has consistently refused to allow it's diverse ethnic groups to maintain their national character, insisting instead that they merge their identity into Pakistan. Once the secularism and pluralism are not considered as dirty words, and all national discussions need not be framed with confines of an Islamist ideology, it will become easier for Pakistan to tackle the jihadi menace. These objectives will replace Pan-Islamism, jihadism and pursuit of parity with neighbors and strategic depth which have been Pakistan’s unattained ambitions of it’s first seven decades. So Pakistan needs to be a secular a state.
June 25, 2018
We waste so much of time discussing Pakistan. I have long ago decided not to view any news on India Pak incidents especially when the channels invite Pak guests for TRPs.
Just finished reading this book REIMAGINING PAKISTAN written by Husain Haqqani, erstwhile Pakistan ambassador to USA and advisor to 3 Pakistan Presidents. I share some of his observations and leave it to you if you still want to mention that country in the same league as India.
1. A few weeks after the Nov 2008 attacks of Mumbai US secretary of state ( former) Madeline Albright said that Pakistan has everything that gives you an INTERNATIONAL MIGRAINE. It has nuclear weapons, terrorism, extremists, corruption, it's very poor and it's a location which is very important.
2. A BBC world service poll has recently found that Pakistan is one of the most unpopular countries in the world, only a rank above Iran, with only 15% looking upon Pakistan favourably and 55% looking in negative terms.
3. Even now 40% of the population cannot read or write. 57% of Pakistan population above 15 years remain illiterate as per 2015 estimate. Only 15 countries have a lower literacy rate than Pakistan.
4. Nepal has a TERTIARY education rate of 15% while Pakistan has a COLLEGE ENROLLMENT RATE of 9.93%.
5. More than 70% of it's population doesn't have access to safe drinking water. Minister for science informed Pakistan parliament in Mar 2017 that 84% of water supplying schemes were not fit for consumption.
6. During 1990s PM Nawaz Sharif ordered TV actresses to wear veils over heads. Directors of a TV show wrestled with a scene in which a woman's head had to be covered while her hair was being shampooed.
7. In 2016 the official Council of Islamic Ideology announced that it was deliberating a bill which allows a husband to' lightly' beat his wife if needed.
8. President Zia Ul Haque banned urinals in public bathrooms at airports, and train station on ground that urinating while standing was a violation of Islamic Norm.
9. Pakistani nationalism comprises 95% India hatred. Yet India has a 2 Trillion dollars economy while Pak has 284 millions.
10 . About 70% of the population of Pakistan has no bank account.
I rest my case with the following comment-- this is not a writing by Anil Dhingra but by a respected, educated Pakistani official who now lives in exile in USA.
Just finished reading this book REIMAGINING PAKISTAN written by Husain Haqqani, erstwhile Pakistan ambassador to USA and advisor to 3 Pakistan Presidents. I share some of his observations and leave it to you if you still want to mention that country in the same league as India.
1. A few weeks after the Nov 2008 attacks of Mumbai US secretary of state ( former) Madeline Albright said that Pakistan has everything that gives you an INTERNATIONAL MIGRAINE. It has nuclear weapons, terrorism, extremists, corruption, it's very poor and it's a location which is very important.
2. A BBC world service poll has recently found that Pakistan is one of the most unpopular countries in the world, only a rank above Iran, with only 15% looking upon Pakistan favourably and 55% looking in negative terms.
3. Even now 40% of the population cannot read or write. 57% of Pakistan population above 15 years remain illiterate as per 2015 estimate. Only 15 countries have a lower literacy rate than Pakistan.
4. Nepal has a TERTIARY education rate of 15% while Pakistan has a COLLEGE ENROLLMENT RATE of 9.93%.
5. More than 70% of it's population doesn't have access to safe drinking water. Minister for science informed Pakistan parliament in Mar 2017 that 84% of water supplying schemes were not fit for consumption.
6. During 1990s PM Nawaz Sharif ordered TV actresses to wear veils over heads. Directors of a TV show wrestled with a scene in which a woman's head had to be covered while her hair was being shampooed.
7. In 2016 the official Council of Islamic Ideology announced that it was deliberating a bill which allows a husband to' lightly' beat his wife if needed.
8. President Zia Ul Haque banned urinals in public bathrooms at airports, and train station on ground that urinating while standing was a violation of Islamic Norm.
9. Pakistani nationalism comprises 95% India hatred. Yet India has a 2 Trillion dollars economy while Pak has 284 millions.
10 . About 70% of the population of Pakistan has no bank account.
I rest my case with the following comment-- this is not a writing by Anil Dhingra but by a respected, educated Pakistani official who now lives in exile in USA.
September 21, 2018
Over the years, we have seen the Indian narrative unhinge itself from its Pakistani obsession and move to a more India-obsessed narrative.
In that context, one has often wondered about the rationale behind Pakistan’s unwillingness to give up an Anti-India narrative and its presentation of itself as a messiah of Islam (pardon me if you believe I have insulted the Islamic religion in any way as that is not the objective). One has wondered about why Pakistan cannot see how the same jehadist movements that it gave rise to, are gnawing their way through any semblance of a modern, stable society that Pakistan may have had. Any many more paradoxes about Pakistan exist, but one has scarcely found time to indulge in thinking about these issues.
Hussain Haqqani, from his vantage point in Pakistan’s politics, government and diplomacy, gives us a rather insightful perspective into the questions above.
As per his narrative (which kind of makes sense), the country has tangled itself so badly in the anti-India and ‘Islam is under threat’ ideologies, that they give rise to a complex and never-ending stream of conspiracy theories. And these theories prevent the Pakistani leadership and citizen from taking a hard look at how hide-bound ideology is taking the country hurtling down a path of self-destruction that many others have gone through.
As an Indian, one wonders at the future of this nuclear state with its radical ideologies and worries about the future security of our neighbourhood (and by extension of ourselves).
A must read to get an insight into Pakistan’s psyche.
PS: One could almost be forgiven for thinking that that book was commissioned by the Indian government, so hard hitting it Haqqani’s criticism.
In that context, one has often wondered about the rationale behind Pakistan’s unwillingness to give up an Anti-India narrative and its presentation of itself as a messiah of Islam (pardon me if you believe I have insulted the Islamic religion in any way as that is not the objective). One has wondered about why Pakistan cannot see how the same jehadist movements that it gave rise to, are gnawing their way through any semblance of a modern, stable society that Pakistan may have had. Any many more paradoxes about Pakistan exist, but one has scarcely found time to indulge in thinking about these issues.
Hussain Haqqani, from his vantage point in Pakistan’s politics, government and diplomacy, gives us a rather insightful perspective into the questions above.
As per his narrative (which kind of makes sense), the country has tangled itself so badly in the anti-India and ‘Islam is under threat’ ideologies, that they give rise to a complex and never-ending stream of conspiracy theories. And these theories prevent the Pakistani leadership and citizen from taking a hard look at how hide-bound ideology is taking the country hurtling down a path of self-destruction that many others have gone through.
As an Indian, one wonders at the future of this nuclear state with its radical ideologies and worries about the future security of our neighbourhood (and by extension of ourselves).
A must read to get an insight into Pakistan’s psyche.
PS: One could almost be forgiven for thinking that that book was commissioned by the Indian government, so hard hitting it Haqqani’s criticism.
July 25, 2023
A thought-provoking exploration of Pakistan's multifaceted challenges from conception to date. Haqqani, former Pakistani ambassador to the United States, offers a compelling analysis that transcends traditional narratives and delves deep into the heart of Pakistan's identity crisis.
At the core of Haqqani's argument lies the assertion that Pakistan has struggled with an identity crisis since its inception. He adeptly dissects how the idea of Pakistan as a separate nation was artificially manufactured by a select elite from India and then deliberately promoted through divisive politics along socio-religious lines. Further, the obsession with using religion as a basis for identity presented, and indeed continues to present, a plethora of problems for the country. This ideological dysfunction paved the way for religious fundamentalism, extremism and militancy. Haqqani draws comparisons with neighbouring countries to emphasise the lack of priority given by Pakistani leaders to key aspects such as education and economic growth, instead choosing to spend their resources strengthening their military and chasing nuclear weapons.
However, the author fails to provide any succinct solution to the problems he outlines. Hence, this book does not read as a “reimagining” of Pakistan, but rather as a critique of the justifications behind its formation and the myriad of failures that followed it.
At the core of Haqqani's argument lies the assertion that Pakistan has struggled with an identity crisis since its inception. He adeptly dissects how the idea of Pakistan as a separate nation was artificially manufactured by a select elite from India and then deliberately promoted through divisive politics along socio-religious lines. Further, the obsession with using religion as a basis for identity presented, and indeed continues to present, a plethora of problems for the country. This ideological dysfunction paved the way for religious fundamentalism, extremism and militancy. Haqqani draws comparisons with neighbouring countries to emphasise the lack of priority given by Pakistani leaders to key aspects such as education and economic growth, instead choosing to spend their resources strengthening their military and chasing nuclear weapons.
However, the author fails to provide any succinct solution to the problems he outlines. Hence, this book does not read as a “reimagining” of Pakistan, but rather as a critique of the justifications behind its formation and the myriad of failures that followed it.
August 3, 2022
The title of the book didn’t set right with me. The author didn’t not ‘reimagine’ Pakistan expect very briefly at the end of 1st chapter and 2nd chapter. Throughout the 8 chapters the authors fixates on Pakistan’s ideological and identity issues suggesting that they are the country’s most pressing problem and how they are the main hurdle in ‘reimagining’ the country. The reimagination literature in the book lacks depth and the volume of its analysis is far outweighed by the volume of literature on the ideological problems discussed in the book. He does discuss economic problems too.
It is, however, a fantastic book to deeply understand the history of Pakistani ideology and its shortcomings. I learnt some important facts and nuances, through historical analysis in the book, that aren’t a part of current affairs discourse in Pakistan. I have, without a doubt, a better understanding of it now.
There are repetitions of the same problems with a somewhat new analysis many times in the book, which is why I think this book would be better listened passively (audiobook) than read.
It is, however, a fantastic book to deeply understand the history of Pakistani ideology and its shortcomings. I learnt some important facts and nuances, through historical analysis in the book, that aren’t a part of current affairs discourse in Pakistan. I have, without a doubt, a better understanding of it now.
There are repetitions of the same problems with a somewhat new analysis many times in the book, which is why I think this book would be better listened passively (audiobook) than read.
February 5, 2020
I listened to the audiobook and read the ebook at the same time.
The narrator, Vikrant Chaturvedi has a very good reading voice but I'm afraid his 200plus reading mistakes were too ridiculous. Somebody ought to have checked that before the audiobook version was released. The author explains Pakistan's identity crisis and failure to compete globally. The corruption, the Islamic Sharia laws, and the military governments all add to the fake success that is believed by the population as a whole. The majority of revenue is spent on military expenditures and less than 5% on educating the children.
It's a fast read and very interesting. A little knowledge of the Pakistan/India wars will be of help in following the narrative.
The narrator, Vikrant Chaturvedi has a very good reading voice but I'm afraid his 200plus reading mistakes were too ridiculous. Somebody ought to have checked that before the audiobook version was released. The author explains Pakistan's identity crisis and failure to compete globally. The corruption, the Islamic Sharia laws, and the military governments all add to the fake success that is believed by the population as a whole. The majority of revenue is spent on military expenditures and less than 5% on educating the children.
It's a fast read and very interesting. A little knowledge of the Pakistan/India wars will be of help in following the narrative.
September 5, 2022
Four stars indicate that the book contains a value. if you are already a critical thinker provides you with the facts and data and a better understanding of the current scenario in Pakistan.
However, if you are a fervent nationalist, this book is undoubtedly for you since it will shatter state narratives about Pakistan and rip apart the nationalist agenda. You will receive a direct critique of Pakistan's conception, its identity issue, and its vulnerability on the economic and social fronts. Maybe you've thought that this book's language is harsh and critical at times, but sometimes it's vital to remind yourself of the precise circumstances that have been obscured by the official narrative and state-run media outlets.
However, if you are a fervent nationalist, this book is undoubtedly for you since it will shatter state narratives about Pakistan and rip apart the nationalist agenda. You will receive a direct critique of Pakistan's conception, its identity issue, and its vulnerability on the economic and social fronts. Maybe you've thought that this book's language is harsh and critical at times, but sometimes it's vital to remind yourself of the precise circumstances that have been obscured by the official narrative and state-run media outlets.
January 16, 2020
It helped me to know more about Pakistan comprehensively and chronologically. The book ponders upon the landmark decisions taken by the state of Pakistan and it's outcomes. It also shed light on the challenges that Pakistan faces and how it can tackle them one by one.
Mr Haqqani is consistently rational in his criticism of the state policies of Pakistan and I can now understand why he is not so welcome in Pakistan.
It also made me worried about Pakistan and it's sustainability as a state which has the direct bearing on India as it shares its borders on the Western front.
Overall a good read for those who wants to understand the convoluted and complex state of Pakistan.
Mr Haqqani is consistently rational in his criticism of the state policies of Pakistan and I can now understand why he is not so welcome in Pakistan.
It also made me worried about Pakistan and it's sustainability as a state which has the direct bearing on India as it shares its borders on the Western front.
Overall a good read for those who wants to understand the convoluted and complex state of Pakistan.
August 3, 2018
Absolutely brilliant
This is the most cogent and well researched book on the miseries of Pakistan and a possible road ahead. The author has done a magnificent job of anchoring his arguments in history and psyche of Pakistan. A must read for anyone interested in Pakistan. I am afraid the damage that Islamization has done to Pakistan may only have one end, a failed and splintered state. But, Haqqani points to a possible path. Maybe Pakistani military and elite will listen to this lone but strong voice of reason. Bravo Mr. Haqqani.
This is the most cogent and well researched book on the miseries of Pakistan and a possible road ahead. The author has done a magnificent job of anchoring his arguments in history and psyche of Pakistan. A must read for anyone interested in Pakistan. I am afraid the damage that Islamization has done to Pakistan may only have one end, a failed and splintered state. But, Haqqani points to a possible path. Maybe Pakistani military and elite will listen to this lone but strong voice of reason. Bravo Mr. Haqqani.
December 18, 2018
Husain Haqqani has done a good effort in good faith to explain the social-religious-economic-political problems facing Pakistan. He could have explained further the potential Pakistan holds and not portray too gloomy a picture often inspired by Indian narrative. Overall a good read, some difficult English words (could have been simpler). The book would definitely attract the Indian media/audience.
Hussain’s own military and intelligence experience is clearly evident in the writings. A bit biased at times :)
Hussain’s own military and intelligence experience is clearly evident in the writings. A bit biased at times :)
September 27, 2018
Husain brought about three or four concepts which Pakistanis need to shed and re imagine their country. The concepts elucidated are not new to people following Pakistan. The author was repetitive, trying to sell these same concepts in a different package each time. The end result is the book ending up being unnecessarily long. The book should have been much concise and in my opinion filled with better examples as the author in not very distant past was privy to much more in Pakistan.
March 2, 2021
I have to say that I agree with most of Haqqani's take on the problems of Pakistan especially the obsession with using religion as a basis of identity. However, after reading the book I still cannot "reimagine" Pakistan that can realistically break free from religious indoctrination and become a progressive state. Overall an interesting read and should be read by all Pakistanis for better awareness of our ideological and economic struggles.
August 11, 2018
An excellent book
This is an ideal book to open eyes of Pakistanis who have been fed biased and glorified history of Pakistan emphasising the importance of Army and Islamic ideology for the survival of Pakistan. In reality both have caused insurmountable amount of pain and economic disaster for the country.
A balanced and unbiased analysis of Pakistan’s history!
This is an ideal book to open eyes of Pakistanis who have been fed biased and glorified history of Pakistan emphasising the importance of Army and Islamic ideology for the survival of Pakistan. In reality both have caused insurmountable amount of pain and economic disaster for the country.
A balanced and unbiased analysis of Pakistan’s history!
April 12, 2019
Articulate and well researched, Haqqani is an expert in this subject so I wasn’t expecting anything less. He points out the problems and suggests the solutions too. I found the book to be a bit repetitive, though. Halfway through the book, he had said whatever he had to say. I’d recommend it for those interested in the past and future of South Asia.
June 23, 2019
Though I have rated it 5 stars, i think the author delved too much into the past, to the point it became repetitive. Should have focused a lot more on Transformation and how to improve the situation going forward.
Overall, extremely well researched and with good ideas which can help the country and its citizens..
Overall, extremely well researched and with good ideas which can help the country and its citizens..
May 8, 2020
Might review soon or maybe not. Can't say. Good book. Some hard to digest realities, but good for those interested in reading more about the problems of the country and areas to focus on if they want to solve (some of) the issues plaguing the nation.
Doesn't go into detail beyond the proverbial checklist of the problems, however a good read.
Doesn't go into detail beyond the proverbial checklist of the problems, however a good read.
June 15, 2020
The author, a former Ambassador of Pakistan to the US and an important commentator on the State, calls for a bold reconceptualization of the country. The book offers a candid discussion of Pakistan’s origins and its failings; offers suggestions for reconsidering it’s ideology; and identifies a national purpose greater than rivalry with India.
March 24, 2021
Gave up somewhere around the middle but who even cares? This book would be the result if all the cons of a Hussain Haqqani book were to given steroids and packaged into a single book. Pandering to the west, frustratingly repetitive, and overly reliant on other's ideas and thinking topped by a waning relevance in Pakistan studies. Avoid.
February 24, 2023
The book is well-researched and provides an in-depth analysis of Pakistan's complex issues. Haqqani presents a compelling case for the need to re-imagine Pakistan's future and offers practical solutions to address the country's challenges. His arguments are supported by facts and data, and he does not shy away from criticizing the country's ruling elite.
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