Sabers and Utopias

by Mario Vargas Llosa, Anna Kushner (Translator)

A landmark collection of essays on the Nobel laureate's conception of Latin America, past, present, and future

Throughout his career, the Nobel Prize winner Mario Vargas Llosa has grappled with the concept of Latin America on a global stage. Examining liberal claims and searching for cohesion, he continuously weighs the reality of the continent against the image it projects, and considers the political dangers and possibilities that face this diverse set of countries.

Now this illuminating and versatile collection assembles these never-before-translated criticisms and meditations. Reflecting the intellectual development of the writer himself, these essays distill the great events of Latin America's recent history, analyze political groups like FARC and Sendero Luminoso, and evaluate the legacies of infamous leaders such as Papa Doc Duvalier and Fidel Castro. Arranged by theme, they trace Vargas Llosa's unwavering demand for freedom, his embrace of and disenchantment with revolutions, and his critique of nationalism, populism, indigenism, and corruption.

From the discovery of liberal ideas to a defense of democracy, buoyed by a passionate invocation of Latin American literature and art, Sabers and Utopias is a monumental collection from one of our most important writers. Uncompromising and adamantly optimistic, these social and political essays are a paean to thoughtful engagement and a brave indictment of the discrimination and fear that can divide a society.

Genres: Nonfiction, Essays, Politics, History, Latinx, Literature, Contemporary

302 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 2009

About the author

Jorge Mario Pedro Vargas Llosa, 1st Marquess of Vargas Llosa, more commonly known as Mario Vargas Llosa, was a Peruvian novelist, journalist, essayist, and politician. Vargas Llosa was one of the Spanish language and Latin America's most significant novelists and essayists and one of the leading writers of his generation. Some critics consider him to have had a more substantial international impact and worldwide audience than any other writer of the Latin American Boom. In 2010, he won the Nobel Prize in Literature "for his cartography of structures of power and his trenchant images of the individual's resistance, revolt, and defeat".
Vargas Llosa rose to international fame in the 1960s with novels such as The Time of the Hero (La ciudad y los perros, 1963/1966), The Green House (La casa verde, 1965/1968), and the monumental Conversation in The Cathedral (Conversación en La Catedral, 1969/1975). He wrote prolifically across various literary genres, including literary criticism and journalism. His novels include comedies, murder mysteries, historical novels, and political thrillers. He won the 1967 Rómulo Gallegos Prize and the 1986 Prince of Asturias Award. Several of his works have been adopted as feature films, such as Captain Pantoja and the Special Service (1973/1978) and Aunt Julia and the Scriptwriter (1977/1982). Vargas Llosa's perception of Peruvian society and his experiences as a native Peruvian influenced many of his works. Increasingly, he expanded his range and tackled themes from other parts of the world. In his essays, Vargas Llosa criticized nationalism in different parts of the world.
Like many Latin American writers, Vargas Llosa was politically active. While he initially supported the Cuban revolutionary government of Fidel Castro, Vargas Llosa later became disenchanted with its policies, particularly after the imprisonment of Cuban poet Heberto Padilla in 1971, and later identified as a liberal and held anti-left-wing ideas. He ran for the presidency of Peru in 1990 with the center-right Frente Democrático coalition, advocating for liberal reforms, but lost the election to Alberto Fujimori in a landslide.
Vargas Llosa continued his literary career while advocating for right-wing activists and candidates internationally following his exit from direct participation in Peruvian politics. He was awarded the 1994 Miguel de Cervantes Prize, the 1995 Jerusalem Prize, the 2010 Nobel Prize in Literature, the 2012 Carlos Fuentes International Prize, and the 2018 Pablo Neruda Order of Artistic and Cultural Merit. In 2011, Vargas Llosa was made the Marquess of Vargas Llosa by Spanish king Juan Carlos I. In 2021, he was elected to the Académie française.

Reviews

[Ivan Velisavljević · Rating 3 out of 5]

Sablje i utopije nadovezuje se na memoare Riba u vodi i svedoči ne samo o ključnim momentima u istoriji Latinske Amerike već i o političkoj evoluciji samog Ljose - od mladog pripadnika komunističke omladine u vreme Odrijine diktature u Peruu, preko umerenog pristalice Kubanske revolucije, do strastvenog liberala, kritičara diktatorskih režima i levičarskog populizma.

Pored ambicioznih novinskih članaka, eseja, polemika i otvorenih pisama, knjiga se sastoji i od prigodnih i namenskih tekstova, poput beseda na dodelama raznih nagrada ili političkih govora koji su bili delovi Ljosine stranačke kampanje. Ovi tekstovi u stilu robuju debatnoj formi a u strukturi pojednostavljenoj argumentaciji, ali su nesumnjivo važni dokumenti vremena. Ljosa već od početka 1980-ih ne propušta da se obračuna sa zastranjivanjima, greškama i zločinima jednopartijskog socijalizma ili levičarskog terorizma, zaoštravajući retoriku pred kraj epohe i nastavljajući kao osvešćen i ostrašćen liberal s početkom 21. veka. Taj višak strasti je razumljiv: s obzirom da su u knjigu skupljeni oni tekstovi koji su zapravo pisani iz perspektive Latinske Amerike, Ljosa se u njima, u politički pojednostavljenom obliku, borio za interpretaciju njene stvarnosti u kojoj fanatizam, diktature, nacionalizam i utopijske fantazije dovode do fatalnih posledica. Ta doslednost perspektive jeste intrigantna, i svakako je pohvalna za priređivača Karlosa Granesa.

Međutim, Ljosa zaista nije neki politički mislilac: kao lek za sve probleme sa upornom naivnošću poteže slobodno tržište, liberalnu demokratiju, vladavinu prava, i taj liberalizam prohujalih vekova sa svakim novim tekstom u drugom vremenu deluje ne samo anahrono, već na momente gotovo idiotski.

Knjiga je podeljena na pet delova.

U prvom, Pošast autoritarizma, Ljosa se bavi diktaturama koje su oblikovale latinoameričku stvarnost. Tekstovi poput „Otvoreno pismo generalu Huanu Velasku Alvaradu“ i „Pismo generalu Horheu Rafaelu Videli“ odražavaju njegovu kritiku vojne vladavine, pokazujući kako su autokrate koristile nacionalizam, ekonomski protekcionizam i represiju da bi zadržale moć. Ljosa opisuje režime koje su personifikovali Somosa, Videla i Duvalijevi na Haitiju kao primere brutalne, korumpirane vlasti koja blokira razvoj i demokratizaciju.

U drugom poglavlju, Sjaj i beda revolucija, tekstovi „Kubanska hronika (I i II)“ i „Pismo Fidelu Kastru“ svedoče o Ljosinom nekadašnjem divljenju Kubanskoj revoluciji i kasnijem razočaranju, naročito kada govori o progonu intelektualaca i umetnika, a tu je i tekst o prelomnom "Slučaju Padilja". Drugi članci bave se sandinističkom revolucijom u Nikaragvi i kasnijim izopačenjem Danijela Ortege, kao i kontradikcijama levičarskih gerilskih pokreta, poput FARK-a, zapatista, Sendero Luminosa, i njihovog imidža na Zapadu.

Poglavlje Prepreke razvoja: nacionalizam, populizam, indihenizam, korupcija posvećeno je fenomenima koji su, prema Ljosi, sistemski unazadili Latinsku Ameriku. Eseji poput „Želimo da budemo siromašni“ i „Dole ludak!“ analiziraju kako populističke politike, zasnovane na kratkoročnim ekonomskim merama, dugoročno destabilizuju društva. U tekstu „Rasa, vojnička čizma i nacionalizam“ Ljosa povezuje etničke tenzije, militarizam i ekonomski etatizam kao razorne sile koje sprečavaju modernizaciju.

Četvrti deo, Odbrana demokratije i liberalizma, okuplja tekstove u kojima Ljosa otvoreno brani liberalne ideje, ne samo u ekonomiji, već i u političkom sistemu. Eseji „Liberalizam između dva milenijuma“ i „Ispovesti jednog liberala“ sumiraju njegovu ideološku poziciju: demokratski poredak nije savršen, ali je jedina realna alternativa autoritarnim eksperimentima. Posebno zanimljiv tekst je „Čileansko zevanje“, gde analizira ekonomski uspeh Čilea u kontekstu njegovog prelaska iz diktature u demokratiju, te kasnije dosadne demokratske smene vlasti, nenalik na druge zemlje kontinenta.

Poslednje poglavlje bavi se književnošću, i u stvari je najslabije, iako recenzenti uporno tvrde suprotno. Uglavnom je reč o hvalospevima piscima latinoameričkog buma, njihovim pretečama i saputnicima, koji često zvuče kao da su iz promotivnih kampanja. U "Sto godina samoće: američki Amadis" i "Borhesove maštarije", Ljosa razmatra kako književnost reflektuje i oblikuje latinoameričku stvarnost, i kako su latinoamerikanci od nerealnosti imali koristi u prozi, a štete u politici. Ovi tekstovi su definitivno zanimljivi kao istorijski dokumenti, ali iz današnje perspektive ne nude previše uvida koji deluju sveže i podsticajno.

Sve u svemu, "Sablje i utopije" su intrigantno, ali neravnomerno štivo. Ljosa nudi obilje materijala za raspravu: prikaz intelektualnih rasprava oko revolucionarnih pokreta nudi zanimljive paralele sa današnjim debatama o političkom radikalizmu, a tekstovi o nacionalizmu, populizmu i korupciji posebno su zanimljivi u kontekstu političkih paralela sa savremenom Srbijom. Naravno, sve vreme se oseća nesrazmera u kritici – dok je levica podvrgnuta detaljnoj analizi, liberalni projekti su mahom pošteđeni slične rigoroznosti. Ipak, čitati ovu knjigu iz ugla nekoga ko ne deli Ljosine političke stavove može biti izuzetno podsticajno iskustvo, jer nudi priliku da se klasični liberalni argumenti sagledaju u kontekstu Latinske Amerike i njenih istorijskih epizoda, da se prepoznaju njihova ograničenja i slepe mrlje.

[Alex.Rosetti · Rating 4 out of 5]

Avem “manifestul de credință” al lui Vargas Llosa în democrație, el devenind un militant activ în direcția apărării și promovării acestui regim politic, în pofida simpatiilor socialiste din tinerețe.
Ni se prezintă cu multă acuratețe algoritmul prin care "dictatura a putut reveni", după o perioadă mai lungă sau mai scurtă, în multe țări din America Latină.
De remarcat similitudinile cu zona în care trăim, în pofida distanței și diferențelor culturale.
Așadar, să o luăm metodic:
Avem o populație săracă, ignorantă, cu un șomaj semnificativ, “copleșită” pe alocuri de tradiții rurale, respectiv care nu a făcut încă pasul spre modernitate.
Se adaugă: eșecul clasei politice de a “produce” bunăstare pentru un număr cât mai mare de cetățeni, o birocrație incompetentă, demnitari care se comportă iresponsabil și instituții îmbibate de vechile obiceiuri - abuz de putere, corupție, sinecuri.
Pe acest fond, un grup politic pune în discuție modelul democratic, folosindu-se de tot arsenalul demagogic necesar: populism, naționalism, etatism, chiar socialism (statul binefăcător). Scopul primordial al acestui grup, fără a fi nominalizat în mod deschis, este acapararea totală a puterii.
De menționat că grupul politic în cauză are trei principii majore de selecție a membrilor săi: supunere, corupție și complicitate. De cele mai multe ori, noii lideri sunt inculți, pînă la limita semianalfabetismului.
Totodată, grupul politic este sprijinit de mulți afaceriști, înspăimântați de ideea de concurență și care își îndreaptă toate eforturile numai spre obținerea de privilegii, favoritisme și monopoluri.
Drept urmare, respectivul grup este ales, uneori cu majorități covârșitoare, să consolideze democrația prin reforme sociale. Din păcate se ajunge la un scenariu contrar - impunerea unor măsuri care vor conduce la eliminarea treptată a democrației.
Urmează acapararea legală a puterii, ignorându-se ulterior regulile jocului democratic: schimbarea legilor, subminarea puterii judecătorești (care devine un simplu instrument în mâna puterii politice), intimidarea opoziției și mediilor de comunicare. Se ajunge inclusiv la impunerea unor decrete-legi, sub justificarea că Parlamentul este incapabil să asugure impunerea reformelor necesare.
Și se ajunge din nou la dictatură ....

Ca să revin ... am ajuns să mă întreb destul de serios dacă modelul latino-american de întoarcere la dictatură se poate repeta și în Europa Centrală și de Est?

[Megan Mcdowell · Rating 3 out of 5]

There is a romanticized image of the quixotic Latin American revolutionary who places the ideals of equality and freedom above all else, willing (even eager) to fight and die at the hands of their capitalist enemies. Everything justified by the cause, zero tolerance of abuse, the class war must be armed and fought in the streets. This revolutionary, argues Mario Vargas Llosa in various ways throughout Sables y utopias, is as dangerous as its antithesis, the corrupt military dictator; it is a stance that has distanced him from the Latin American left over the course of his career, but one that is worth taking the time to understand.

MVL condemns the hypocrisy inherent in the view that the violence of another group is evil, while violence for one’s own cause is merely a means to an end. He values freedom above all else, and sees democracy as the best available system to ensure it. He cherishes the rule of law, art and culture, reason and individualism. He sees all forms of collectivism as a threat to freedom. For most of his career, the collectivist danger took the form of fascism and communism; today, it is nationalism and religious fundamentalism. MVL’s political thought as presented in this book—especially mid-career—holds itself above party politics and manages to firmly adhere to the principle of openness above all else. In the best essays of the book, he has the ability to honestly interrogate political questions on a moral plane and to invite the reader to leave their comfortable zones of “left” or “right;” he is a thinker you must be willing to actively engage with.Latin America has been characterized by artistic genius and political turmoil, and both are arguably symptoms of the same utopian tendencies. In the final section of the book, which comprises essays on Latin American literature and art, Vargas Llosa writes of Jose Lezama Lima that, like Proust, Joyce, or Flaubert, he set for himself the impossible goal, “to enclose in a book an entire world that isin itself endless, to imprison something that has no beginning and no end.” It is, intentionally, an impossible proposition, destined to fail, the result of grand artistic ambition and the futile search for transcendence. Yet it has inspired great novels like Lezama Lima’s Paradiso, Joyce’s Finnegan’s Wake, and Musil’s The Man Without Qualities; one could also include here some of Vargas Llosa’s own best novels. But, when this futile quest for universality is taken out of the creative realm and into the political one, it can inspire disastrous ideologies that permit violence, poverty, corruption and greed. Vargas Llosa includes ideology among the great diseases of Latin America; he renounces, in fact, all ideology, and asks only that society agree on “rules of the game” that will allow dissent and diversity to peacefully coexist.

The essays in the book are organized first in five thematic sections, then chronologically within each section. The first part, “The Plague of Authoritarianism,” begins with a largely autobiographical essay that tells of MVL’s relationship with Peru as he matured politically. Many of the essays in this section are letters or articles protesting censorship or the denial of freedoms: a protest of General Juan Velasco’s shuttering of the magazine Caretas in Peru in 1975; a letter to Argentina’s president Jorge Videla in 1976 informing him that PEN International (of which MVL was president) would be publishing its report “The Persecution of Artists, Intellectuals and Journalists in Argentina;” a remonstrance to both Alberto Fujimori for closing Peru’s congress and the fearful Peruvian citizenry who resigned itself to his decision (“Return to Barbarity?” 1992). “Toward a Totalitarian Peru” (1987) is a reaction to Alan Garcia’s decision to nationalize Peru’s banks: “There is no democracy that can survive such an exorbitant accumulation of economic power in the hands of political power.” His essay written on the occasion of Pinochet’s death, “Funeral for a Tyrant,” is a particularly meticulous refutation of those who continue to argue that Chile’s prosperity and stability came because Pinochet was willing to “make the necessary sacrifices.” MVL emphasizes that Chile’s prosperity didn’t happen because of Pinochet’s bloody dictatorship, but rather in spite of it: “Because there is no real progress without freedom and legality, or without clear support for reforms from a public convinced that the sacrifices being asked for are necessary if they want to emerge from stagnation.” Adroitly, he manages here to both condemn Pinochet’s military dictatorship and to criticize Allende’s government, which, although democratically elected with 33% of the vote, imposed extreme socialist reforms with less than majority support.

Ever present in this book is Vargas Llosa’s disillusionment with the Cuban experiment, and its second part, “The Rise and Fall of Revolutions,” is where we see this process documented. In 1967 MVL wrote “Chronicle of Cuba” (I) and (II). In the first, he acknowledges the many problems the new country faced, but was optimistic about its future precisely because of the regime’s fomentation of culture and of tolerance of dissent: “Cuba has demonstrated that Socialism is not at odds with creative freedom.” In the second, he relates his visit to Cuba, where he and other visiting artists met a Fidel Castro who impressed with his willingness to answer questions and admit mistakes. MVL argues for fair-mindedness in criticism of Cuba: “The Cuban revolution can be subjected to much criticism, but it is immoral and intolerable for dissenters or enemies of the revolution to omit… its countless, overwhelming successes.”

This optimism changed in 1971, as it did for many socialist intellectuals who were invested in the Cuban revolution, when Castro forced Heberto Padilla to sign a “confession” and to publicly renounce his book. MVL penned a letter, signed by dozens of international writers and artists, asking Castro to rectify the situation (“Letter to Fidel Castro”). In “Letter to Haydee Santamaria” (1971) he informs the director of the Casa de las Américas that he is resigning from its magazine’s committee, saying Fidel’s treatment of Padilla was “the negation of what made me embrace the Cuban revolution’s cause from the start: its decision to fight for justice without losing respect for the individual.” His disillusionment with socialism and the conviction born of it—that social justice cannot be accompanied by loss of freedom—is one that he has maintained ever since. In “Nicaragua at the Crossroads” (1985), MVL seems to still not have given up hope that some form of socialism was viable. He is fairly tolerant of both the Sandinistas’ oppressive tactics and their willingness to compromise their philosophy in order to remain in power. This comfort stems from the hope that the Sandinistas’ Marxism will evolve into something better, “because it is a tragic fact that freedom and equality have a harsh and antagonistic relationship. True progress is not reached by
sacrificing one of these impulses…but rather by achieving a tense equilibrium between these two ideals that repel each other intimately. But, until now, no socialist revolution has managed this.” “The Good Terrorists” (1998), takes issue with the U.S. media’s portrayal of the MRTA in Peru as moderate terrorists in comparison with Sendero Luminoso. “The Other Side of Paradise” (1998) takes on the Zapatistas and Subcomandante Marcos, whose spectacle of revolution only confused and slowed down Mexico’s democratization by lending legitimacy to the PRI government. In “Down With the Law of Gravity!” (2001), MVL likens the call to halt globalization to a line by Agusto Lunel: “We are against all laws, starting with the law of gravity.” Globalization cannot be halted, he writes, and its challenges must be faced reasonably. Part three of the book, “Obstacles to Development: Nationalism, Populism, Indiginismo, Corruption;” is the shortest and includes proportionally more essays written in the 21st century. In this section Vargas Llosa’s writing reaches its most strident, but he essentially remains true to hisprinciples. Although these essays are for the most part well reasoned, a look at the subjects in MVL’s cross hairs will illustrate why some left-wing camps reject him. There is Hugo Chavez’s drastic reforms and regression to national populism. There is the anti-Chilean sentiment supposedly in solidarity with Bolivia that, says MVL, is Chavez and Co.’s rejection of Chile’s economic policy. There are the protests in Arequipa that put a stop to the privatization of two electrical companies. And there is Evo Morales’ brand of indigenous racism. MVL’s treatment of Evo Morales is one place where he fails to maintain his civilized and balanced manner; his attempt to discredit Morales using racial justifications feels contrived:

"Nor is señor Evo Morales an Indian, properly speaking, though he was born to a very poor indigenous family and as a child he herded llamas. It’s enough to hear his good Spanish with its round "erres" and sibilant sierra 'eses,' his astute modesty…an his studied and wise ambiguities, to know that don Evo is the emblematic Latin American criollo, lively as a squirrel, a tedious social climber, with vast experience in manipulating men and women acquired in his long tenure as a leader of cocoa leaf growers and a member of the labor aristocracy."

This is a sarcastic personal attack in lieu of relevant criticism of Morales’ policies or philosophy, and it is the kind of thing that occurs more often in MVL’s later writings. It is disappointing from a writer who generally, though you may disagree with him, invites you to engage with him in the name of genuine inquiry. It’s almost as if he has found an instance of successful collectivism in Evo’s grassroots movement that conflicts with his own ideas, and he has to resort to name-calling. Part four, “Defense of Democracy and Liberalism,” is where we get the clearest picture of Vargas Llosa’s particular brand of Liberalism, and where he plainly discusses the foundational tenets of his thought. In “Winning Battles, but not the War” (1978), he elaborates on his repudiation of ideology of all kinds, offering the startling examples of Borges (who defended Argentine and Chilean dictatorships) and Cortázar (who distinguished between crimes committed by a socialist country and those of a capitalist or imperialist country). Learning and ideas are no defense against violence in the name of ideology, writes MVL. Rather, he agrees with Camus that the only moral capable of making the world livable is the one that is willing to sacrifice all ideas each time they collide with life, though it is the life of one person. A distrust of ideas is vital; so too is the awareness that definitive victory against injustice is impossible, but the battle must be fought every day. Finally, Vargas Llosa’s call to re-invent political language to return to words the “precision and authenticity they have lost, in large part due to generalizations and the stereotypes and issues of ideology,” seems to me particularly pertinent to the U.S. political culture today.

“Confessions of a Liberal” (2005) is MVL’s acceptance speech for the Irving Kristol Award, in which he explains what he means by calling himself a liberal. He acknowledges that he is not “liberal” like the U.S. left, though he hastens to add that he supports gay marriage and abortion rights, the separation of church and state, decriminalizing drug possession and relaxing immigration law. (Amusingly, this part was left out of the transcript the American Enterprise Institute published on its website.) Nor does he use the term as it often is in Latin America: derisively, to indicate that someone is “conservative or reactionary.” And while he is a supporter of a free market, he resists the idea that it is the “panacea for everything from poverty to unemployment, marginalization and social exclusion.” Instead, he aspires to a liberalism that holds freedom as its core value, and sees culture as what defines civilization, not economics. He admires the system in the United States because it has “the most open, functional democracy…with the greatest capacity for self-criticism, which enables it to renew and update itself more quickly in response to the challenges and needs of changing historical circumstances.” His argument, essentially, is for a global culture of freedom characterized by respect for the law and human rights.

The final section of the book, “The Benefits of Unreality: Latin American Art and Literature,” comprises critical essays about specific Latin American writers (García Marquéz, Borges, Cortázar, Paz) and artists (Botero, Szyszlo, Frida Khalo). This is the Vargas Llosa North American readers will be more familiar with: the learned and effusive literary man vitally committed to literature and ideas. We already know MVL wrote his doctoral dissertation on Garcia Marquéz, and reading the critical essay from 1967 is interesting more because it reminds us how extraordinarily groundbreaking (dare I say revolutionary?) the book was when it came out. The essay on Cortázar I found fascinating; it begins with the two authors’ meeting when they were both translators in Greece, and details MVL’s devotion to and esteem for the older writer’s wit and cultivation as well as his inimitable writing. MVL largely glosses over the distancing their political commitments must have caused as he moved rightward and Cortázar was reborn a committed socialist. That said, his description of hippie Cortázar who made MVL “take him to buy erotic magazines, and spoke of marihuana, of women, of revolution, like he used to talk about jazz and ghosts,” feels like a caricature of revolutionary Julio.

And finally, on page 449, a female artist merits mention. MVL spends much of his essay on Frieda Khalo explaining that her universal recognition and adoration by the art world and beyond could have been arbitrary, since it was brought about by Hayden Herrera’s excellent biography rather than her work itself, but in this case, she actually deserves the praise and acclaim. Though he works in a reference to Elena Poniatowski (female artist number 2!), its hard not to wonder if MVL’s critical framework has room for women.

As a group, the critical essays in the final section of the book tend to be more personal, to include MVL’s lived experience of the art he is analyzing. For a literary person, reading them is comfortable and will require a less intense engagement. Their placement at the end of the book is perhaps strategic, for with the political essays still echoing in your head, it’s easier to see how the political MVL and the creative one are the same—indeed, the word “freedom” occurs almost as often in these final essays.

Reading this book, I often wanted to talk with MVL, ask him questions that almost always begin with “But, what about…” For in spite of his condemnation of ideology, it can be sometimes difficult to escape the fact that Vargas Llosa himself has one. What should the foreign policy of a powerful, liberalized, democratic country look like? If the accumulation of economic power in political hands is dangerous, what of the danger when economic power outside of the government becomes so strong it can evade the government’s law? What does MVL have to say about China’s version of capitalist socialism? The answers to these questions are hinted at, and much of what he writes about is definitely relevant today. But much of the book’s interest is historical, since many of the events in Latin America that occasion its essays will be unfamiliar to North American readers. Interesting as well, of course, is getting as close as possible to the evolving political thought of one of the greatest writers of our time. It is a book that calls for something more than a 2-dimensional political reach, and will remind readers that politics is an actinoid field of intersecting—and at times contradictory—lines of understanding that emerges from cultural context and history.

[Marija Đurđević]

Jednom sam rekla da bih Ljosino mogla da čitam bilo šta. I stojim pri tome, naravno. „Sablje i utopije“ bih svrstala kao delo koje bi čitali samo verni obožavaoci Vargasa Ljose. Možda sam napravila grešku što sam čitala ovu knjigu sada, dok sam one bitnije njegove zanemarila i ostavila ih da čuče na polici i čekaju neko novo vreme. Ovo je zapravo nefikcijsko delo, sastoji se iz intervjua, članaka iz novina, dopisnica, kritika koje je Mario Vargas Ljosa pisao u periodu od šezdesetih godina prošlog veka pa do početka dvehiljaditih. Kao iskusni novinar, liberalista, konstruktivni kritičar, sjajno opisuje politiku i kulturu Latinske Amerike. Ali, sve bi ovo bilo sjajno i bajno da mene politika tog kontinenta interesuje 😅 ovako me je knjiga udavila, bar taj deo o politici. Jedino što je bilo zanimljivo vezano za politiku jesu grozne činjenice o pojedinim političarima, kao što je narod Nikaragve tražio ostavku predsednika Danijela Ortege pod optužbama da je skoro dve decenije vršio seksualno nasilje nad svojom poćerkom. Kako sam izguglala, 2021. godine Danijel Ortega je ponovo izabran za predsednika Nikaragve.

Dopao mi se deo o kulturi i to sam pročitala baš brzo za razliku od delova koji su vezani za politiku. Stoga, Ljosa je u ovim člancima istakao najznačajnije književnike i o svakom je pisao nešto a to su Borhes, Markes, Kortasar i njegovo delo „Školice“, kao i druge autore. Jedan mi je posebno zapao za oko od svih pomenutih jer mi ime nije bilo poznato, a to je Hose Lesama Lima i njegovo delo „Paradiso“, koje se svrstava u sam vrh najboljih dela Latinske Amerike. Čudno mi je da se niko od naših izdavača u Srbiji nije potrudio da ovo delo prevede. A čitala bih, kao ljubitelj hispanske književnosti volela bih, još kad preporuka i oduševljenje dolazi od Ljose, verujem da bi mi se dopalo. Za kraj je ostavio pohvalu Fridi Kalo, njegovo oduševljenje njenim likom i delom.

Da ne dužim, više sam se silila da ovo čitam, jer delovi o politici mi nisu bili interesantni. Ali, kada sagledam, ipak sam nešto novo naučila, nije mi žao. Svakako preporučujem da čitate romane Maria Vargasa Ljose, ipak ovo mogu da preporučim ljubiteljima politike, ili ako studirate političke nauke, smatram da bi vam bilo korisno. Mario Vargas Ljosa je u mladosti bio marksista, pristalica vlade kubanskog predsednika Fidela Kastra. Ljosa se 1990. godine kandidovao za predsednika Perua, ali je poražen od nepoznatog inženjera Alberta Fudžimorija. Liberalista, lider tog pokreta, zauzimao se za Pokret Slobode od 1987. Po njegovim stavovima i ono za šta se zalagao verujem da bi bio sjajan predsednik.

[Roberto Macias]

El libro proporciona tanto una imagen de la biografía ideológica de Vargas Llosa como una narrativa de la historia y desilusiones de América Latina de la segunda mitad del siglo XX a nuestros días. El sueño de la Revolución de Cuba, la "dictadura perfecta" del PRI en México, la dictadura de Fujimori, el terrorismo del Sendero Luminoso, el boom publicitario de las revoluciones con el EZLN bajo el subcomandante Marcos, etc, etc.
Es sumamente refrescante leer al autor critcar la vista de los europeos que ignorando la realidad de el subcontintente ven en Chavez o Rafal Guillen una oportunidad de justicia social. Por otra parte como Lationamericano en Europa considero que la comunidad Europea tiene mucho que aprender de la historia Latinoamericana y de sus crisis del siglo XX. Por una parte las políticas populistas y el descontrol de la deuda externa, y por otra parte del mito de una moneda estable con las crisis del Tequila (México 1995) o la crisis Argentina.
Finalmente la libertad democrática y la apertura económica como única real alternativa para mejorar la justicia social. El alejarse del estado omnipotente, y la privatización como método para modernizar industrias estancadas a manos del estado. Quizá lo único que me parece faltó en el libro es una crítica concienzuda de los modelos políticos europeos que en mayor o menor medida se ven amenazados también por los mismos modelos populistas que en latinoamérica, pero todas ellas son conclusiones que el lector ingeligente podrá comprender por si mismo.
Este es definitivamente un libro que vale la pena leer para comprender la historia de latinoamérica en el siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI.

[Jon · Rating 4 out of 5]

Llosa is a Peruvian author, a prolific writer of novels and all other things, and a Nobel prize laureate for literature. He is also a professor, a critic and commentator, philosopher and former politician. This book is a collection of his significant essays over 50 years. He is an excellent writer and thinker, and an ardent champion of freedom and democracy that has been too rare in Latin America, and a foe of dictatorships, violence and statist economies that have been historically too prevalent. My one quarrel with him is that he tips so far away from "collective" political structures gone bad that his praise for the open market side of economics (which I generally agree with) is blind to the too-frequent occasions of oppression of the poor and literal violence and murder perpetrated by some giant corporations, be it Anaconda Copper, Barick Gold or Nestle. My quarrel with the book is that there is not a clear organization to the order of the essays. It would have been helpful to at leasst have a chronological layout. Aside from those two things, excellent read and I learned a lot!

[مسعود · Rating 4 out of 5]

چقدر فوق‌العاده بود
مجموعه مقالاتی از یوسا درباره‌ی آمریکای لاتین که در آن حسابی خدمت فیدل و روسپیان سودازده‌اش رسیده است

[Steven Capatosto · Rating 4 out of 5]

Whilst understanding the fiasco of a diaspora in the united states (repressive,) we always tend to forget about the experience feel being the most important aspect of interpretation/survival. If we think about the cultural inability of Americans (ABOVE MEXICO,) we must think about the airport. Once you enter - you cannot go back. No re-entry. The philosophical origins of non-conformity in Latin America are so precisely showcased.

Whilst remaining complicated in structure, the division of a devastated present moment is never met with being a product of a failed (future) utopia - but only an identity substructure of the infertile and tragic past of which character is made. In this case - the Latin American Character is one which always unpacks the past to enhance the future.

How do men showcase masculinity through photography? How do we find happiness during the collapse of civilization? The divine rights of profit can (and will) be comparable to the divine right of Kings (and I am a capitalist.)


Take note of the next time you hear a person speak between languages; the speaker will hit the right note as they deem fit; and my god this is the exact fucking opposite of exhaustion.


Required reading.

[Robert Boyd · Rating 3 out of 5]

There are a lot of political articles here, and Vargas Llosa is kind of boring on politics. He views everything through a libertarian lens, which is tedious. He's always against illiberal tendencies and dictators, which is fine (if uncontroversial), but he rarely has original insights. He is no Euclides da Cunha, athough da Cunha inspired his greatest novel, The War of the End of the World. He does try to be a da Cunha or and Octavio Paz and make a general theory of Latin American unreality, but when it comes to unreality, he's a better novelist than essayist.

The best parts were where he was talking about literature, especially the closing essay about "the Boom"--the movement of Latin American literature out into the world at large (and into other Latin American countries) that happened in the 60s. He acknowledges the efforts of key editors and agents in Spain to bring this writing to the world.

[John Gurney · Rating 4 out of 5]

Este libro es un colección muy interesante de ensayos de Mario Vargas Llosa, cubierto muchas materias, incluyen politicias, cultura, y las artes. Me gustan las criticas originales de Mario Vargas Llosa de las grandes nombres de art Latin America, como Frida Kahlo, Octavio Paz, Julio Cortazar, Carbrera Infante, Borges, y otros. Es un regalo que tiene su critica original 1969 de Cien Anos de Solitud por Gabriel Garcia Marquez.

Tambien, son muchos ensayos de politicias. Revolucciones en Colombia, Nicaragua, Chile y otras paises reciben tinta. Un unico conjunto de ensayos son de Fidel Castro, sobre unos anos, y podemos ver como Vargas Llosa vuelto contra Cuba de Fidel despues el exilio y encarcelamiento de periodistas por el dictador. La filosofia de libertad y mercados libres existen aqui en palabras bonitas y argumentos poderosos.

[Ivana · Rating 4 out of 5]

Me gustó mucho. Este libro ayuda a uno, que no es hispano, a entender mejor la política y los problemas de la América Latina. Mario Vargas Llosa ofrece una análisis profunda de los tiempos pasados y corrientes, conectando países, problemas y ofreciendo conclusiones hacia una salida de subdesarrollo que contagió la mayoría de la America Latina.

[Sarai · Rating 5 out of 5]

sumamente interesante

[Ricardo Munguia · Rating 3 out of 5]

Revisando este libro que tenía medio olvidado me percaté de que ya lo había leído y nunca lo había actualizado, tal vez por qué no lo leí en una sentada si no a lo largo del tiempo, tomando uno que otro capítulo y dejándolo, o por qué varias de las notas las leí en otros libros o en archivos de internet (la mayoría son del diario español "El País", de su columna "Piedra de toque") y dado que el autor de algún tiempo para acá ha saltado de nuevo como figura pública y líder de opinión (independientemente si estás de acuerdo con el o no), tal vez valdría la pena dejar una constancia de este libro para aquel interesado en las opiniones personales del autor, bastante conocidas y que después de leerlas una vez a mí me parecen agotadas.

Este libro es una compilación temática (pero no cronológica) de notas periodísticas que el autor a publicado en diversos medios (algunos artículos están en otras de sus obras como "Desafíos a la libertad" y en "El lenguaje de la pasión" y en algunas entradas repite lo expuesto en el "Diccionario para el amante de América Latina") en donde el autor nos muestra sus opiniones (sobretodo políticas, pero también sociales y artísticas). Está estructurado en 5 temas que a mí me parecen agotados pero no dejan de ser actuales e interesantes. Autoritarismo, Revoluciones, Desarrollo, Liberalismo y Arte. Todos estos temas están enfocados en la región de América Latina en donde denuncia las cosas que siempre a denunciado y que hasta parece disco rayado (lo cual habla de una relativa consistencia del autor y nos recuerda que varios problemas persisten y no deben dejar de ser señalados).

Habla sobre el régimen cubano y el venezolano (de la época de Fidel Castro y Hugo Chávez) de la situación política de Nicaragua y México (aquí está su famosa declaración de "México, la dictadura perfecta") sobre el alza del populismo y sus "demonios" y las "ventajas" del liberalismo (pongo los adjetivos entre comillas por qué ambas corrientes tienen sus luces y sus sombras) y sobre el arte (pintura y literatura principalmente) en Latinoamérica.

Tal vez por que e leído en un periodo relativamente corto (unos 3 años) la obra del autor (tanto literaria como periodística) me pareció un libro un tanto repetitivo, un refrito más de sus opiniones políticas que aporta poco para aquellos que ya conocen su opinión, sin embargo si apenas vas empezando creo que este libro ofrece el resumen más completo de sus opiniones y si te interesa conocer la opinión del autor es el que recomendaría (todavía me hace falta leer "La llamada de la tribu" pero sospecho que no va a decir nada nuevo). Tiene un poco de todo y es conveniente que este organizado temáticamente, aunque también hubiera sido bueno que lo ordenarán cronológicamente y que estuviera debidamente citado (solo dice el lugar en donde se escribió la nota, mes y año, pero me gustaría saber más del origen de estos textos, si pertenecen a un periódico o a una compilación o de dónde los sacan). Recomendado para los que buscan leer un poco de la obra periodística del autor y que no han leído (o han leído poco) de esta.

[Scott Martin · Rating 4 out of 5]

(Read for Read Harder Challenge: An #ownvoices book set in Mexico or Central America, An epistolary novel or collection of letters)

This book is a collection of essays where a noted Peruvian author, Mario Vargas Llosa, over the span of several decades, offers his insights in various actions and personalities within Latin America. In addition to his native Peru, he writes about activities throughout Latin America, covering the Somoza/Sandinistas in Nicaragua all the way to the drug wars in Mexico. He is unabashedly liberal, but he is not so liberal that he gravitates towards Castro and the Communists (he was once taken in by men like Castro, but as Castro moved toward dictatorship, Llosa began criticizing him relentlessly).

Perhaps if I had a greater understanding of Latin American society and politics, I could offer some greater critical assessments of his works. Yet, there is much to learn from his writings. The quality and presentation of ideas in his writing is of superior. I learned a great deal. I can see enough of where he can open himself to criticisms, but you can deny the power of his arguments. Easy to see how he won a Nobel Prize for Literature. Worth the time to read.

[Salvatore Genuensis · Rating 4 out of 5]

Al revisar este libro encuentro que es más periodístico que literario. Contiene una interesante compilación de ensayos orientados al pensamiento político, filosófico, literario y cultural de Mario Vargas Llosa. Este libro es un paseo intelectual con Mario Vargas Llosa, en donde desde su perspectiva personal, se aprende sobre la historia de América Latina. Muestra la historia del continente desde su riqueza cultural y muestra al lector los problemas políticos y económicos. No podemos esperar ensayos objetivos de la historia de América Latina. Al contrario, Vargas Llosa comparte sus experiencias personales con el lector. Al leer este libro, el lector reconoce su amor por América Latina, a pesar de sus problemas. No todos los lectores podemos compartir sus conclusiones, especialmente en cuestiones políticas y económicas. A pesar de todo, sus análisis son profundos, y por supuesto, cada ensayo deja una enseñanza al lector para reflexionar. Su último capítulo de arte y literatura latinoamericana es interesante, sin embargo, no conocía a algunos de los autores mencionados por lo cual me resultó poco informativo.

[Eduardo Yoshikawa · Rating 4 out of 5]

The book presents a very interesting collection of essays written by Vargas Llosa about a wide range of subjects.
Chapter 1 - strong criticism of the authoritarianism present in Latin American countries;
Chapter 2 - review of the revolutions and their apex and decline;
Chapter 3 - the obstacles to the development in Latin America: nationalism, populism, indigenous tendency, corruption;
Chapter 4 - democracy and liberalism
Chapter 5 - Latin American Literature and Arts
Among the highlights, there are quotes of his strong influence from Euclides da Cunha's "Os Sertões", interviews with Latin American leaders, views of the historical evolution and development of the region, and articles dedicated to Guimarães Rosa, Gabriel García Márquez, Fernando Botero, Julio Cortázar, among others.
There is even a mention about the very recent "social network" fever!

[Marie · Rating 4 out of 5]

MVL is interesting in that he appears to be able to separate politics and government from fiction, noting that poetic metaphors should be kept out of politics and stay where they belong. This collection of his OpEds from the last 30 years provides a good primer on Latin American politics for those who follow such from outside of Latin America. The consistent theme throughout the book is his frustration for Latin Americans' weaknesses for demagogues and phantom utopias. Great way to get 'executive overview' of political history over last three decades.

[John · Rating 4 out of 5]

I enjoy Vargas Llosa’s essays. This collection brings together his political thought: rule of law and freedom; literature: pretty much exclusively Latin American. Most of the essays are short and decry the political miscreants and caudillos of Latin America. Others praise the writers, artists, and young idealists for standing up to tyranny.

The longer essays, which I think were talks given by him I found interesting and profound: “Dreams and Realities in Latin America” and “Fifty Years of the Latin American Boom”. I should also include “Liberalism Across Two Millenia” in that list.

[Luis Duque · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excelente compilación de artículos, reportes, cartas y pensamientos de Vargas Llosa, cada artículo te deja una enseñanza y análisis de la situación historia de América Latina y su último capítulo arte y literatura latinoamericana es muy instructivo.

[Gerson Gonzalez · Rating 4 out of 5]

Descripción detallada del pensamiento político, filosófico y cultural de Mario Vargas Llosa y aunque el lector pueda no estar de acuerdo con sus postulados, Vargas Llosa deja claros sus argumentos y genera eco poniendolos a pensar en más de una ocasión a lo largo del libro, recomendado !!

[Giovanni García-Fenech · Rating 3 out of 5]

Tengo que tomar un descanso de este libro. Es una colección de ensayos polémicos, y con las pocas excepciones en las que Vargas Llosa escribe sobre sus experiencias personales, el aluvión interminable de argumentos antiautoritarios (sí, claro) y pro libre comercio (ugh, no) se vuelve entumecedor.

[Scott · Rating 3 out of 5]

Most of it provides a good overview of recent latin american history.

[Debbie · Rating 4 out of 5]

Mix of short articles about Latin America and politics.

[Alaina · Rating 2 out of 5]

This read a lot like a text book. I really enjoyed learning more about these countries, but after each essay needed a break.

[Shelley · Rating 4 out of 5]

4.5

[Felipe Takehara · Rating 4 out of 5]

É a visão de mundo de um Liberal em quem me espelho. Preocupado com as pessoas, prudente, e sóbrio de ilusões. Ainda não li sua obra literária.

[Remy · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Dreams and Reality in Latin America chapter is beautiful

[Dan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excellent English translation of Peruvian Vargas Llosa's perspectives on relatively recent Latinamerican history/politics

[Bianca I · Rating 2 out of 5]

Ratingul meu scăzut se bazează pe faptul că nu sunt mare adeptă a acestui gen/subiect etc.

[Brendan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Vargas Llosa’s love, appreciation and knowledge of Latin America are readily apparent in these essays. From culture to politics to literature, the topics covered here are engaging and enriching.