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Kashmiri Desiyathin Palveru Mukankal: கஷ்மீரி தேசியத்தின் பல்வேறு முகங்கள் பனிப்போர் முதல் இன்று வரை. (Politics Book 7)
"கஷ்மீரின் வரலாறு மற்றும் அரசியல் குறித்து தெரிந்துகொள்ள விரும்பும் அனைவரும் கட்டாயம் வாசிக்கவேண்டிய, இன்றியமையாத நூல் இது." -மெய்ன்ஸ்ட்ரீம் வீக்லி கஷ்மீர் தேசியத்தின் பல்வேறு முகங்களை ஆழமாக விவரிக்கும் நந்திதா ஹக்ஸரின் இந்தநூல் கஷ்மீரிகளை, கஷ்மீர் பிரச்சனைகளைப் புரிந்துகொள்ள, கஷ்மீரிகளின் அர்த்தமுள்ள நியாயங்களை உணர்வுப்பூர்வமாக அறிந்துகொண்டு நல்ல தீர்வுகளை சிந்திக்க நம்மை வற்புறுத்துகிறது. இந்த நூல் கஷ்மீரி தேசியத்தின் சித்திரவதைக்குள்ளாக்கப்பட்ட வரலாற்றின் தடயங்களை பனிப்போர் காலங்களில் அரசியலில் ஈடுபாடுகொண்ட கம்யூனிச தொழிற்சங்கத் தலைவரான கஷ்மீரி பண்டிதர் சம்பத் பிரகாஷ் மற்றும் கஷ்மீரி முஸ்லீம் அஃப்ஸல் குரு ஆகிய இ
- GenresIndiaNonfiction
681 pages, Kindle Edition
First published August 20, 2015
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April 6, 2016
My review was published here, but pasted below: http://www.kashmirconnected.com/book-...
Nandita Haksar’s The Many Faces of Kashmiri Nationalism from the Cold War to the Present Day explores the history of contemporary Kashmir through the lives of Sampat Prakash, a Kashmiri Pandit and communist trade union leader, and Mohammad Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri Muslim who was accused of conspiring in the attack on the Indian parliament in 2001 and subsequently hanged in 2013.
Throughout the book, Haksar attempts to trace the intersection of religion and nationalism in the Kashmiri struggle for self-determination, and the ways it has been influenced and undermined by both Indian and Pakistani nationalisms as well as Western imperialism.
For Haksar, focusing on Prakash and Guru are important in that they are both representative of a Kashmiri nationalism that is deeply connected to a desire for dignity and justice as well as a commitment to inclusivity. Nevertheless, the worlds that Prakash and Guru inhabited were vastly different. Prakash became active in politics at a time when communist ideologies played an important role in Kashmir, while Guru’s activism was in the context of the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of global Muslim solidarities and political Islam. This shift is how Haksar situates the redefinition of Kashmiri nationalism in the present day.
Woven into their stories are the stories of a number of other important Kashmiri figures and leaders—mostly male—and their impact on the Kashmiri struggle for self determination. These individuals range from prominent political leaders such as Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, pro-freedom leaders such as Yasin Malik and Syed Ali Shah Geelani, as well as little known figures such as Professor Durrani, who would teach Kashmiri youth about communism and Ghulam Mohiuddin Punoo, a trade union leader. Very few stories are narrated of women; while Haksar acknowledges this limitation, one wishes that more attempts were made to reach out to women from all walks of life.
Haksar’s narrative largely centers on Sampat Prakash, tracing his birth, childhood and memories of kashmiriyat, which he describes as harmony between Kashmiri Muslims and Hindus. According to Prakash, this harmony has been threatened by events in the region in recent decades, and the increasing shift towards right-wing Hindu and Muslim politics within both communities. Nevertheless, Prakash holds on to his dreams of kashmiriyat, despite the increasingly tense realities of the world around him. He is a Kashmiri Pandit, with deep roots to that identity, and is also deeply critical of the Indian state and its actions against Kashmiri Muslims, a position that often puts him in conflict with members of his community. He has fought, in various capacities, and often with those whose ideologies differ from him, to bring the Kashmiri struggle to light, longing for an independent, secular, and progressive Kashmir. Yet, he is constantly sidelined, and perhaps only tolerated for being the “token Pandit”, according to Haksar.
The primary contribution of this book is its unearthing of leftist politics in Kashmir. While the impact of communist ideology in Kashmir beyond the political establishment might be exaggerated, the actual stories of those who operated in alternative political spheres have been marginalized by the over-emphasis on the various political parties. For Prakash, this alternative political universe, the one place where he witnessed the existence of kashmiriyat, existed in the form of the trade unions that were active in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Prakash was the head of the Low Paid Government Servants Federation, which worked not only with those in service, but also private teachers, cleaning staff in municipalities, gardeners, daily wage earners, and ponywalas. It was comprised of both Pandits and Muslims. All in all, the Federation was responsible for improving the living and working conditions of more than four million workers. It held protests, strikes, and educated those working in various industries on their rights. While the Federation primarily focused on improving the living conditions and treatment of workers, it was never too far from politics. For example, it was involved in protests and agitations held in Kashmir after the infamous Indira-Sheikh Accord of 1975. As a result, Sheikh Abdullah arrested a number of union leaders for their activism. During the militancy, Prakash describes how the militants disapproved of the secular politics of the trade unionists, and he and his colleagues were threatened for many years. Nevertheless, the employees that were affiliated with the Federation continued to work throughout the insurgency, and the union leaders believe that they saved the Kashmiri economy from dying. Unfortunately, the Federation itself was co-opted as it was deemed to have communist links and was forced to operate under a different name, this time under the Hurriyat. Haksar projects these unions as the only space that perhaps had idealized democratic secular politics (although, she admits they were deeply patriarchal). They had their differences with the increasingly religious and pro-Pakistani elements of the militancy, but were also deeply against the Indian state.
Haksar admits that she is skeptical of Prakash’s perspectives on kashmiriyat. But she does not engage with the issue of Pandit-Muslim tensions on a deeper level. This is one of the main weaknesses of her book. We are left with a range of anecdotes -some of Kashmiri Muslims who tell her how they long for Pandits to return (which she questions as them catering to her as a Kashmiri Pandit), others of hostility. We are told of a group of young boys dressed in salvar kameez who scornfully look upon Kashmiri Pandits who have come back to visit their old homes. But what of those who welcomed their old neighbors? She has a tendency to share an anecdote, without providing appropriate context or analysis, leaving the reader to wonder what her intention was of including it.
The last section of the book focuses on the life of Mohammed Afzal Guru. It is a life that Haksar was deeply familiar with, as she served as a lawyer and activist for Guru and the others who were accused alongside him (and later freed). She describes his foray with militancy, his disillusionment with the role of Pakistan, and his decision to become a surrendered militant, so that he could begin a new life with his wife, Tabassum and son, Ghalib. She then details how he was harassed and tortured to provide information to the police and special operations forces and how he unintentionally helped one of the attackers buy a vehicle in Delhi. The story of Afzal Guru is a devastating one, especially because his story has been co-opted by various groups for their own political ends. Haksar narrates how the intelligence agencies tried to portray Afzal as a radical Salafi, when she saw him as a disgruntled Kashmiri nationalist who was turning more towards religion, but was not exclusivist in his thinking. She also hints towards the unsavory role of the Hurriyat and other pro-freedom groups, and how she “realised that various vested interests were making sure that Afzal didn’t escape from gallows.”
It is here that the lives of the two men, Prakash and Guru, merge together. Both had a vision for Kashmir that was marginalized not only explicitly by Indian and Pakistani nationalisms, but also undermined implicitly by groups within Kashmir. This dynamic has been the tragedy of Kashmiri nationalism.
The book is written in a style that mixes her personal reflections, the accounts of a number of Kashmiris – Muslim and Pandit –as well as history and analysis gleaned from various secondary sources. At some points, the narrative voices merge, and the reader is unable to determine whether we are hearing Haksar’s perspective or from one of her interlocutors. Haksar’s voice is that of a staunch secular Indian nationalist, which at times colors some of her analysis. A number of statements are made without mentioning their significance. Larger general claims are also made without evidence, including her bizarre assertion that at one point Kashmiris had wanted to be a part of India (how can we ascertain this?), but the tide of Hindu nationalism turned them off.
Nonetheless, the book is a welcome contribution to the literature on Kashmir, for the multiple political possibilities that it unearths.
Nandita Haksar’s The Many Faces of Kashmiri Nationalism from the Cold War to the Present Day explores the history of contemporary Kashmir through the lives of Sampat Prakash, a Kashmiri Pandit and communist trade union leader, and Mohammad Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri Muslim who was accused of conspiring in the attack on the Indian parliament in 2001 and subsequently hanged in 2013.
Throughout the book, Haksar attempts to trace the intersection of religion and nationalism in the Kashmiri struggle for self-determination, and the ways it has been influenced and undermined by both Indian and Pakistani nationalisms as well as Western imperialism.
For Haksar, focusing on Prakash and Guru are important in that they are both representative of a Kashmiri nationalism that is deeply connected to a desire for dignity and justice as well as a commitment to inclusivity. Nevertheless, the worlds that Prakash and Guru inhabited were vastly different. Prakash became active in politics at a time when communist ideologies played an important role in Kashmir, while Guru’s activism was in the context of the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of global Muslim solidarities and political Islam. This shift is how Haksar situates the redefinition of Kashmiri nationalism in the present day.
Woven into their stories are the stories of a number of other important Kashmiri figures and leaders—mostly male—and their impact on the Kashmiri struggle for self determination. These individuals range from prominent political leaders such as Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, pro-freedom leaders such as Yasin Malik and Syed Ali Shah Geelani, as well as little known figures such as Professor Durrani, who would teach Kashmiri youth about communism and Ghulam Mohiuddin Punoo, a trade union leader. Very few stories are narrated of women; while Haksar acknowledges this limitation, one wishes that more attempts were made to reach out to women from all walks of life.
Haksar’s narrative largely centers on Sampat Prakash, tracing his birth, childhood and memories of kashmiriyat, which he describes as harmony between Kashmiri Muslims and Hindus. According to Prakash, this harmony has been threatened by events in the region in recent decades, and the increasing shift towards right-wing Hindu and Muslim politics within both communities. Nevertheless, Prakash holds on to his dreams of kashmiriyat, despite the increasingly tense realities of the world around him. He is a Kashmiri Pandit, with deep roots to that identity, and is also deeply critical of the Indian state and its actions against Kashmiri Muslims, a position that often puts him in conflict with members of his community. He has fought, in various capacities, and often with those whose ideologies differ from him, to bring the Kashmiri struggle to light, longing for an independent, secular, and progressive Kashmir. Yet, he is constantly sidelined, and perhaps only tolerated for being the “token Pandit”, according to Haksar.
The primary contribution of this book is its unearthing of leftist politics in Kashmir. While the impact of communist ideology in Kashmir beyond the political establishment might be exaggerated, the actual stories of those who operated in alternative political spheres have been marginalized by the over-emphasis on the various political parties. For Prakash, this alternative political universe, the one place where he witnessed the existence of kashmiriyat, existed in the form of the trade unions that were active in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Prakash was the head of the Low Paid Government Servants Federation, which worked not only with those in service, but also private teachers, cleaning staff in municipalities, gardeners, daily wage earners, and ponywalas. It was comprised of both Pandits and Muslims. All in all, the Federation was responsible for improving the living and working conditions of more than four million workers. It held protests, strikes, and educated those working in various industries on their rights. While the Federation primarily focused on improving the living conditions and treatment of workers, it was never too far from politics. For example, it was involved in protests and agitations held in Kashmir after the infamous Indira-Sheikh Accord of 1975. As a result, Sheikh Abdullah arrested a number of union leaders for their activism. During the militancy, Prakash describes how the militants disapproved of the secular politics of the trade unionists, and he and his colleagues were threatened for many years. Nevertheless, the employees that were affiliated with the Federation continued to work throughout the insurgency, and the union leaders believe that they saved the Kashmiri economy from dying. Unfortunately, the Federation itself was co-opted as it was deemed to have communist links and was forced to operate under a different name, this time under the Hurriyat. Haksar projects these unions as the only space that perhaps had idealized democratic secular politics (although, she admits they were deeply patriarchal). They had their differences with the increasingly religious and pro-Pakistani elements of the militancy, but were also deeply against the Indian state.
Haksar admits that she is skeptical of Prakash’s perspectives on kashmiriyat. But she does not engage with the issue of Pandit-Muslim tensions on a deeper level. This is one of the main weaknesses of her book. We are left with a range of anecdotes -some of Kashmiri Muslims who tell her how they long for Pandits to return (which she questions as them catering to her as a Kashmiri Pandit), others of hostility. We are told of a group of young boys dressed in salvar kameez who scornfully look upon Kashmiri Pandits who have come back to visit their old homes. But what of those who welcomed their old neighbors? She has a tendency to share an anecdote, without providing appropriate context or analysis, leaving the reader to wonder what her intention was of including it.
The last section of the book focuses on the life of Mohammed Afzal Guru. It is a life that Haksar was deeply familiar with, as she served as a lawyer and activist for Guru and the others who were accused alongside him (and later freed). She describes his foray with militancy, his disillusionment with the role of Pakistan, and his decision to become a surrendered militant, so that he could begin a new life with his wife, Tabassum and son, Ghalib. She then details how he was harassed and tortured to provide information to the police and special operations forces and how he unintentionally helped one of the attackers buy a vehicle in Delhi. The story of Afzal Guru is a devastating one, especially because his story has been co-opted by various groups for their own political ends. Haksar narrates how the intelligence agencies tried to portray Afzal as a radical Salafi, when she saw him as a disgruntled Kashmiri nationalist who was turning more towards religion, but was not exclusivist in his thinking. She also hints towards the unsavory role of the Hurriyat and other pro-freedom groups, and how she “realised that various vested interests were making sure that Afzal didn’t escape from gallows.”
It is here that the lives of the two men, Prakash and Guru, merge together. Both had a vision for Kashmir that was marginalized not only explicitly by Indian and Pakistani nationalisms, but also undermined implicitly by groups within Kashmir. This dynamic has been the tragedy of Kashmiri nationalism.
The book is written in a style that mixes her personal reflections, the accounts of a number of Kashmiris – Muslim and Pandit –as well as history and analysis gleaned from various secondary sources. At some points, the narrative voices merge, and the reader is unable to determine whether we are hearing Haksar’s perspective or from one of her interlocutors. Haksar’s voice is that of a staunch secular Indian nationalist, which at times colors some of her analysis. A number of statements are made without mentioning their significance. Larger general claims are also made without evidence, including her bizarre assertion that at one point Kashmiris had wanted to be a part of India (how can we ascertain this?), but the tide of Hindu nationalism turned them off.
Nonetheless, the book is a welcome contribution to the literature on Kashmir, for the multiple political possibilities that it unearths.
September 5, 2019
Scarring like all hard truths. At one point, you just wish to throw the book away and cry at the many injustices and failings of our country and of many others. Hopefully a mirror to today's times, and an asset for humanity in this communally charged era.
July 5, 2016
For someone like me, who has not dealt with the Kashmir issue at the level of knowing the personal accounts of Kashmiris, their political sentiments and history outside the militia/armed forces binary, this book, I believe is one of the many ways. Most importantly, as the title says, Kashmir is not just about Kashmiri Muslims wanting Independence from India or Kashmiri Pandits wanting to remain with a majority Hindu nation. Kashmir is also about 'Kashmiriyat', the real essence of Kashmir, a valley that Kashmiris wish to be free of militia or forces, free of India or Pakistan. A kashmir not divided on religious lines. Nandita Haksar's story on the Kashmir trade union shows that 'Kashmiriyat' has both Hindu and Muslim stake holders, a narrative that otherwise seems wiped out to me.
January 19, 2016
Review forthcoming.
May 24, 2024
Wonderful writing by the author. It just changed my perspective about the conflicts of Jammu and Kashmir. As a typical Indian, what we feel is like Pakistan triggers the radicalized youths of Kashmir to turn into militancy and create chaos in the state. After reading the book, now I feel how ignorant are rest of India when it comes to Kashmir. We feel so patriotic about the state whereas we know nothing about the state. Anyone who need to talk anything about Kashmir should first read the book. Now I feel how foolish it was to abolish Article (370) which will end up further alienating the state from the rest of India.
March 23, 2018
The book gives detailed accounts and stories of Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims and what went wrong in the history of this state. I can recommend it as an informative read. However, I do not support how this book is unreasonably biased towards Afzal Guru, portraying him as an innocent scapegoat and a 'martyr' for Kashmiri nationalism, without any concrete evidence.
August 18, 2016
Kashmir's geo-political situation explained through the lives of communist leader Sampat Prakash and terrorist(?) Afzal Guru (not much on the latter though).
What the book lacks in insights/information on Kashmir's situation is made up by the detailed narrative on union labor history in J&K. Quite an interesting read to understand the role communist leaders played to ensure basic economic rights for public servants despite all the precarious situations.
What the book lacks in insights/information on Kashmir's situation is made up by the detailed narrative on union labor history in J&K. Quite an interesting read to understand the role communist leaders played to ensure basic economic rights for public servants despite all the precarious situations.
January 31, 2017
Kashmir remains a mystery for all- including Indians. It beyond the beyond wars and Dal Lakes. The author digs deep to unravel different facets of Kashmiriyat. The notes on trade unionism by Sampat Prakash, the bigotry of Gul Bakshi Mohammad, Afzal Guru- martyr or traitor? ...made interesting read.
March 29, 2020
Eventhough the situation which led to the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits is not covered, the book is a very good read and gives a lot of information & is productive.
April 1, 2017
a well written book about the Kashmir issue touching many issue which we dont see in the traditional discourse. To know about trade union movement in Kashmir amindst the violence was an new story to me. The book has dealth with Afzal Guru in detail descriptiion giving us a peek into what exactly happened. The writer proposes some needful questions.
Displaying 1 - 10 of 10 reviews