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Putin's World: Russia Against the West and with the Rest
We all now live in a paranoid and polarized world of Putin’s making, and the Russian leader, through guile and disruption, has resurrected Russia’s status as a force to be reckoned with. From renowned foreign policy expert Angela Stent comes a must-read dissection of present-day Russian motives on the global stage.
How did Russia manage to emerge resurgent on the world stage and play a weak hand so effectively? Is it because Putin is a brilliant strategist? Or has Russia stepped into a vacuum created by the West’s distraction with its own domestic problems and US ambivalence about whether it still wants to act as a superpower? PUTIN’S WORLD examines the country’s turbulent past, how it has influenced Putin, the Russians’ understanding of their position on the global stage and their future ambitions — and their conviction that the West has tried to deny them a seat at the table of great powers since the USSR collapsed.
This book looks at Russia’s key relationships — its downward spiral with the United States, Europe, and NATO; its ties to China, Japan, the Middle East; and with its neighbors, particularly the fraught relationship with Ukraine. PUTIN’S WORLD will help Americans understand how and why the post-Cold War era has given way to a new, more dangerous world, one in which Russia poses a challenge to the United States in every corner of the globe — and one in which Russia has become a toxic and divisive subject in US politics.
How did Russia manage to emerge resurgent on the world stage and play a weak hand so effectively? Is it because Putin is a brilliant strategist? Or has Russia stepped into a vacuum created by the West’s distraction with its own domestic problems and US ambivalence about whether it still wants to act as a superpower? PUTIN’S WORLD examines the country’s turbulent past, how it has influenced Putin, the Russians’ understanding of their position on the global stage and their future ambitions — and their conviction that the West has tried to deny them a seat at the table of great powers since the USSR collapsed.
This book looks at Russia’s key relationships — its downward spiral with the United States, Europe, and NATO; its ties to China, Japan, the Middle East; and with its neighbors, particularly the fraught relationship with Ukraine. PUTIN’S WORLD will help Americans understand how and why the post-Cold War era has given way to a new, more dangerous world, one in which Russia poses a challenge to the United States in every corner of the globe — and one in which Russia has become a toxic and divisive subject in US politics.
448 pages, Hardcover
Published February 26, 2019
271 people are currently reading
2925 people want to read
About the author
Angela Stent
17 books42 followersAngela Stent is director of the Center for Eurasian, Russian and East European Studies and a professor of government and foreign service at Georgetown University. From 2004 to 2006, she served as national intelligence officer for Russia and Eurasia at the National Intelligence Council. She is the author of The Limits of Partnership: US-Russian Relations in the Twenty-First Century, for which she won the American Academy of Diplomacy’s Douglas Dillon prize for the best book on the practice of American diplomacy.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 105 reviews
December 19, 2019
This book’s focus is Putin’s foreign policy. After an overview author Angela Stent goes country by country giving enough of the country’s history with Russia to inform what she has to say about today’s relationships. For Russia itself she covers what she calls “frozen wars” and separatist movements.
Despite having influence out of proportion to the size of its economy and population, Russia wants a larger share of recognition and respect. There is little empathy for the national grieving for its loss of “empire” in the 1980’s. While Russia is not looking to restore the former Soviet Union it uses many means and methods to restore its importance in the world.
The autocracy of the tzars was replaced only briefly by more western-style leadership. Russians perceive the Gorbachev and Yeltsin years as chaotic with a weak economy. The authoritarian leadership of Putin is widely accepted by Russians. Unlike the west (or at least the west of the recent past) issues of human rights and democracy do not factor into its foreign relations decisions.
The first country profiled is Germany where the relationship might be most complex. Russia won “The Great Patriotic War” with great sacrifice. At the war’s end, Russia was militarily and politically able to bring about its control countries like Germany that were on or near its borders. In the break-up of the Soviet Union, the Russian perspective is that it “allowed” its client states to be free. In “allowing” East Germany to unite with West German, its former client state became a NATO member. Russia does not see any irony in that NATO was formed for collective defense against Russia. East Germany is now a member of the (much hated by Putin) European Union. Stent notes that westerners do not understand the power of these feelings of loss.
Putin has not been sitting back as its former satellites gravitate to Europe for trade and defense. He has set up consortia to parallel NATO and the EU and made life uncomfortable for those countries that look to the west. He has built his influence in the Middle East by defending Assad and befriending Netanyahu. He has made deals with China to counterbalance the dollars and influence of the West. He has constrained border wars, such as the one with Japan and the “frozen” wars of territories within Russia. Stent shows how the Ukraine is not just any domino for Putin. He views it as part of Russia, which must be kept at any cost, hence he sends soldiers and contractors (“little green men) to maintain a low grade war.
Unlike many foreign policy books this is very easy to read. Stent never bogs down in acronyms, extraneous history or arcane policy talk.
There is a lot here and I am much better informed than I was only a week ago. The weakness of the book is that while corruption and Russia’s lack of respect for its civil and human rights at home and abroad are mentioned they are only in the backdrop. The oligarchs and dissident journalists are a part of “Putin’s World” and each deserving of a chapter.
Despite having influence out of proportion to the size of its economy and population, Russia wants a larger share of recognition and respect. There is little empathy for the national grieving for its loss of “empire” in the 1980’s. While Russia is not looking to restore the former Soviet Union it uses many means and methods to restore its importance in the world.
The autocracy of the tzars was replaced only briefly by more western-style leadership. Russians perceive the Gorbachev and Yeltsin years as chaotic with a weak economy. The authoritarian leadership of Putin is widely accepted by Russians. Unlike the west (or at least the west of the recent past) issues of human rights and democracy do not factor into its foreign relations decisions.
The first country profiled is Germany where the relationship might be most complex. Russia won “The Great Patriotic War” with great sacrifice. At the war’s end, Russia was militarily and politically able to bring about its control countries like Germany that were on or near its borders. In the break-up of the Soviet Union, the Russian perspective is that it “allowed” its client states to be free. In “allowing” East Germany to unite with West German, its former client state became a NATO member. Russia does not see any irony in that NATO was formed for collective defense against Russia. East Germany is now a member of the (much hated by Putin) European Union. Stent notes that westerners do not understand the power of these feelings of loss.
Putin has not been sitting back as its former satellites gravitate to Europe for trade and defense. He has set up consortia to parallel NATO and the EU and made life uncomfortable for those countries that look to the west. He has built his influence in the Middle East by defending Assad and befriending Netanyahu. He has made deals with China to counterbalance the dollars and influence of the West. He has constrained border wars, such as the one with Japan and the “frozen” wars of territories within Russia. Stent shows how the Ukraine is not just any domino for Putin. He views it as part of Russia, which must be kept at any cost, hence he sends soldiers and contractors (“little green men) to maintain a low grade war.
Unlike many foreign policy books this is very easy to read. Stent never bogs down in acronyms, extraneous history or arcane policy talk.
There is a lot here and I am much better informed than I was only a week ago. The weakness of the book is that while corruption and Russia’s lack of respect for its civil and human rights at home and abroad are mentioned they are only in the backdrop. The oligarchs and dissident journalists are a part of “Putin’s World” and each deserving of a chapter.
March 8, 2022
I write this as we are entering day no 13 of the barbaric invasion of Ukraine by Russia, an event which will become an absolute game changer in terms of Putin's political legacy. This book is an excellent study of the evolution of Russian foreign policy under Putin. His vision of life and society has been deeply influenced by his KGB past. His regime has become progressively more autocratic, repressive and violent since the attacks on Chechen and Georgia in 2008. Putin told us at that time that he wished to re-create the empire called the USSR despite being at the head of a mid sized economy (quite smaller and less dynamic and diversified than Canada with a much lower per capita GDP). We should have taken him at his word. regarding his stated objectives The West had many opportunities to put a stop on russian agressions but like the democracies of the thirties it has been largely delusional about its ability to contain the dictator.
The evil genius of Putin has been his capacity to take advantage of weaknesses of open democratic societies; disinformation, corruption of political elites, economic links with attached strings.
Like previous dictators his decision making has become disconnected from reality due to his growing paranoia. The biggest humanitarian crisis in modern times has been created by this man who will become known as another despotic head of the Russian state.
The evil genius of Putin has been his capacity to take advantage of weaknesses of open democratic societies; disinformation, corruption of political elites, economic links with attached strings.
Like previous dictators his decision making has become disconnected from reality due to his growing paranoia. The biggest humanitarian crisis in modern times has been created by this man who will become known as another despotic head of the Russian state.
July 10, 2022
Before taking up this book, I read two others about Vladimir Putin: "The Man Without a Face: The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin" by Masha Gessen; and "Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin" by Fiona Hill and Clifford G. Gaddy. While the others were quite good, each in its own way, Angela Stent's is far and away the best. If you have time for only one book on Putin, read this one.
May 4, 2019
For anyone seeking a deeper analysis of Russian President Vladimir Putin beyond the breathless headlines and talking heads of cable news, Angela Stent has produced a quality work based in serious scholarship.
Stent examines the contemporary relationship between Russia and its global partners and adversaries with objective clarity. Putin is portrayed as a three-dimensional leader whose immovable worldview based in his own formative experiences presents a unique problem for the proponents of democracy as Russia gains strategic footing through its amoral approach to foreign policy.
"Putin's World" delivers on its title and presents a global perspective of a leader frequently viewed through a hyper-specific context in the contemporary United States.
Stent examines the contemporary relationship between Russia and its global partners and adversaries with objective clarity. Putin is portrayed as a three-dimensional leader whose immovable worldview based in his own formative experiences presents a unique problem for the proponents of democracy as Russia gains strategic footing through its amoral approach to foreign policy.
"Putin's World" delivers on its title and presents a global perspective of a leader frequently viewed through a hyper-specific context in the contemporary United States.
May 1, 2019
Angela Stent’s Putin’s World is an excellent overview of contemporary Russian politics, examining Russia’s relation to its neighbors (e.g. the EU, the former Eastern Bloc countries, America, and China) and itself and its past. Stent is able to condense much of Russia’s history into 350 pages, which is bound to omit context and cultural elements, in her attempt to explain Russia today. I applaud Stent’s attempt, and I do think she does an excellent job in elucidating the historical-context and political motives of Russia. Nonetheless, after reading the book, I found the brief conclusions to be unsatisfying and am still left trying to decipher the alway enigmatic Putin. And so we are left asking the question: What does Putin really want?
March 1, 2022
When Russia started to send troops and materiel to its border with Ukraine, I realized that I really didn't know much about Vladimir Putin and contemporary Russia, so I went to the library.
I am very happy that I came across this book. Written by Angela Stent, an expert on modern-day Russia with experience in Academia, the State Department, and the National Intelligence Council, this book explained the perspective of Vladimir Putin and other Russian national leaders since the fall of the Soviet Union. While I don't think anyone in the West truly understands what's going on in Putin's mind, I thought this book did a fantastic job of illuminating the dilemma American and European leaders face in former USSR countries: how to recognize and support budding democratic movements without raising Russian security concerns.
It's a fascinating story that shows how much of the world is still based in realpolitik. As much as I wish it were not the case, I think it's unrealistic to assume that the rest of the world will adopt our form of government simply because of how good we've had it.
I am very happy that I came across this book. Written by Angela Stent, an expert on modern-day Russia with experience in Academia, the State Department, and the National Intelligence Council, this book explained the perspective of Vladimir Putin and other Russian national leaders since the fall of the Soviet Union. While I don't think anyone in the West truly understands what's going on in Putin's mind, I thought this book did a fantastic job of illuminating the dilemma American and European leaders face in former USSR countries: how to recognize and support budding democratic movements without raising Russian security concerns.
It's a fascinating story that shows how much of the world is still based in realpolitik. As much as I wish it were not the case, I think it's unrealistic to assume that the rest of the world will adopt our form of government simply because of how good we've had it.
December 31, 2023
I actually really liked this one. It captures Putins “origin story” and overall I felt Angela was a great author. If you like historical reads, foreign policy, anything Eastern European I would recommend. More of a story telling style, but also talks about the implications of Ukraine And Russian relations/ Ukraine war. Good book from Wayne.
March 5, 2022
Unbelievably concise analysis of the forces influencing the Kremlin's geopolitical strategy. A must read particularly given current global events !
In the great Tom Keene's words #bookoftheyear
In the great Tom Keene's words #bookoftheyear
September 3, 2022
Comprehensive primer on the enigmatic leader. Despite being written prior to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the book is as relevant as ever. In fact, in light of recent events, it reads rather prophetically. Nuanced readers will appreciate its avoidance of pushing opinions or making ideologically-driven judgements, as it instead offers a briefing-type, "facts of the case" analysis.
This book is not only a window into the mind of Vladimir Putin, but a history of how he came to be. It discusses key differences in the worldviews (or narratives) of East and West, both now and in the past. It provides numerous summaries of Putin's relations with other countries and their leaders, the incentives and interests driving their interactions, and the challenges that will shape the future.
A great prologue to the current war. Highly recommended.
This book is not only a window into the mind of Vladimir Putin, but a history of how he came to be. It discusses key differences in the worldviews (or narratives) of East and West, both now and in the past. It provides numerous summaries of Putin's relations with other countries and their leaders, the incentives and interests driving their interactions, and the challenges that will shape the future.
A great prologue to the current war. Highly recommended.
September 28, 2023
I thoroughly enjoyed this account of Russian geopolitical intricacies and how we got to where we are today. I’ll use this as a quick recap of their relationship to help me commit this information to memory.
Soviet Union disolves: After a failed coup in August, on December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as the President of the Soviet Union, effectively signaling the end of the Soviet state. This resulted in the autonomy of the Russian Federation (headed by President Boris Yeltsin) and the other former soviet territories (which had not already declared independence (starting in the 1980’s). After the collapse of Russia– nearly 22 Million Russians lived outside the Russian Federation. The largest diaspora, living in Ukraine, was 12 million (1.7 million in Crimea).
NATO: From its inception to its current state, NATO has been a Western Alliance keen on keeping the Russians at bay. In the fifties, one British MP summed up “[NATO was] Built to keep the Americans close, the Germans down, and the Russians out.” Over the years, NATO actions have aggravated Russian interests. During the Balkan Wars, the Russians believed NATO overreached when intervening against Serbian aggression during the Kosovo campaign. NATO led a bombing campaign in Belgrade which further frayed diplomatic relations between the West and Russia. Russia has used former USSR territories as a buffer zone against NATO countries, and yet, the 2018 NATO Brussels summit promised Ukraine NATO membership.
Germany: After WWII, the Soviet Union occupied East Germany, with the reunification of Germany signaling a shift in foreign relations with Russia. Coincidentally, Putin and Merkel were probably in East Germany at the same time. Putin was stationed as a KGB agent in Dresden, and Merkel As a young scientist in East Germany, watched the wall come down. Over the years she’s been the primary conduit between the West and Russia. Although strained, her relationship with Putin (where they converse in Russian and German) kept the peace at bay. Angela was scolded by U.S. President Trump due to their insufficient contribution to NATO military funds and Germany’s dependence on Russian gas imports through the Nord Stream pipeline and exports of manufacturing/ automobiles.
Ukraine: The foundation of Ukraine began in the 9th century and Kyiv played a significant role. Yaroslav the Wise (978–1054), Grand Prince of Kiev, was a venerated ruler of Kievan Rus was baptized as an Orthodox Christian in Crimea and accepted Christianity as the religion of Rus. Both Russia and Ukraine call him their sovereign. Ukraine, in a modern sense, came into being upon the invasion of the Mongols (referred to as the Mongol Yoke) during the 13th century. After the Mongols retreated it became part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth until the 17th century. This era saw the spread of Roman Catholicism in western Ukraine and the gradual estrangement of Ukrainian Orthodox Christians from the Polish-dominated Catholic state. The Cossack period, a semi-military community, played a role in revolting against the Polish and then later the Russians, eventually pledging allegiance to Alex Romanov, the first Romanov ruler. Throughout this period of tsarist Russian expansion, Ukrainian cultural and linguistic identity was suppressed. During WWII, Ukraine was occupied by Nazi Germany, as the Russians beat back the Nazis the people faced brutal Soviet reoccupation. It is also true that many ex-Nazis resettled in Ukraine after the war (now a political talking point of Russian propaganda). Similar to the Serbian-Kosovo conflict, Russians believe that core components of their nation’s history are located in Ukraine– at the time in the Soviet Union the bureaucratic change of administration over the Crimea region, was insignificant, however upon the implosion of the USSR, the Crimea region became the fraying rope in a tug-of-war-of-influence between Russia and Ukraine. This region has been rocked by “Revolution, War, Famine, War again,” repeat.
Chechnya: Operates as a semi-autonomous republic within Russia. The majority of Chechnya is Sunni-Muslim, and while the vast majority are peaceful, the region has been plagued by terrorist attacks. Two of the most lethal terrorist attacks in Russia were the 2002 seizure of the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow by Chechen terrorists, which resulted in 130 deaths, and the 2004 seizure by Chechen and Ingush terrorists of an elementary school in which 331 people perished,186 of them children. This resulted in the Second Chechen War (the first was originally for independence) until Putin struck a deal with the defacto thug-ruler Ramzan Kadyrov who agreed to pacify the region in exchange for Russian subsidies. Kadryrov prides Chechnya on being “combat infantry for Putin” as he sends his troops to fight alongside Asaad in Syria and separatists in the Dunbas of Ukraine.
Belarus: The current President Lukashenko, often referred to as Putin’s Puppet, was the only legislator not to vote for leaving the USSR. Russia has bought allegiance from the Belarusian state due to the heavily subsidized and favorable energy policy from mother Russia. Lukashenko enjoyed the spotlight when saving Putin from further humiliation after Russian mercenary group (Wagner) leader Yevgeny Prigozhin began to lead a rebellion against Putin for his lack of adequate support on the frontlines during the Ukraine war in 2023. Lukashenko proudly boasted that he helped broker a deal between the two and granted asylum to Prigozhin. Putin has since had Prigozhin killed on his way to Belarus (allegedly).
Kazakhstan: Upon the Soviet Union's disolvment, Kazakhstan had 8 million Kazakhs and 4 million Russians. Russia considers Kazakhstan its best ally in the near-abroad. The country has forged a new multi-ethic and multi-cultural identity. During WWII Millions of Germans and Jews were displaced here as well as millions of young Slavs designed (unsuccessfully) to boost agricultural production in the region. They became a leader in nuclear non-proliferation and coordinated with the IAEA with Uranium enrichment sites. They also have lots of oil production in the Caspian Sea and carry major pipelines to China (attracting lots of foreign investment).
Armenia / Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh is a region in Azerbaijan that contains 80% Armenians. Christian Armenians view the Muslim-Azeris (language Turkic) as cousins of the Turks who were responsible for the Armenian Genocide under the Ottoman Empire. The region has been a hotbed of conflict in the past five years (currently 2023) and the struggle persists due to Armenian's claim to national self-determination vs. the Azeris' claim to territorial integrity.
China: Sino-Soviet relations date back to disputes between nomadic tribes in Siberia/China, shared occupation by the Mongols, and Romanov Tsar expansion into Central Asia (especially when the Qing dynasty was in decline after the 19th century Opium Wars). After the Bolsheviks overthrew the Romanovs many anti-communists escaped to China. As Sino-Soviet countries barreled toward communism, Joseph Stalin recognized the People's Republic of China (PRC) under Mao Zedong in 1949. Since then, relations deteriorated significantly in the 1960s due to ideological and geopolitical differences and continued disputes over Manchuria. The United States is the greatest asset for Sino-Soviet relations.. as the saying goes… ‘The enemy of my enemy is my friend. China has been a stalwart blockade against ‘Western imperialism,’ and Russia has found a sympathetic friend in the disgruntled side-table of world leaders. They’ve worked closely, offering joint carrot-and-stick incentives through Belt and Road and other initiatives.
Japan: The Russo-Japanese War was a significant conflict between the Russian Empire and Japan. It began with a surprise attack by Japan on the Russian fleet in Port Arthur in 1904. Teddy Roosevelt brokered a deal in 1904 that recognized Japanese territorial gains in Manchuria/Korea. Japan also had minor occupations in Russia during the revolution of the 1920s. Interestingly, to this day, Russia and Japan still dispute over a group of islands called ‘The Kurils’ or “Northern Territories.” Japanese citizens admire Putin for his affinity and passion for Judo.
Middle East Power Broker: ‘Moscow has focused on developing ties to the newly emerging anti-colonial and anti-Western Arab countries, namely Iran and Syria.’ Russia was viewed as the Arab protectorate in the Middle East against the 1) U.S.-backed Taliban fighters in Afghanistan as well as 2) U.S.-backed Isreal. Russia was supplying many of the Arab countries with weapons, leading to the humiliating blow after Israel fought back against the Arab attack during the Six-Day War and then later in the Yom Kippur War. Iran: Post-Soviet Russia has 20 million Muslims. Iran, careful not to make an enemy out of Russia, refused to recognize or aid Muslim separatists in Chechnya. Syria: Asaad visited Moscow in 2005, and Putin received him warmly. Writing off 75% of their $13B+ debt, then launched new oil and gas investment deals. During the Arab Spring of the 2010s, Russian military involvement played a pivotal role in propping up Syrian dictator Bashar Al-Assad. The Assad family is part of the Shia Alawite minority that rules the Sunni-majority country. In 2013 Assad used biochemical weapons that killed 1,400 of his own people. Turkey: Turkey joined NATO and became Russia’s second-largest market for Russia’s energy resources. Both Putin and Erdogan (who the US believes are oppressive leaders), found solidarity in the fact that Western leaders would like to see them ousted. Erdogan opposes the Assad regime and its Shia Iranian backers and has taken in more than two million refugees from Syria. Isreal: Russia is in a unique position to serve as a power broker between Isreal and Arab countries due to the large Jewish population in Russia, and Russia’s leading involvement in defeating Nazism. Now they believe their new common enemy is Muslim-fundamentalism.
Reading this book gave me a better understanding of the complex web of historical claims, geopolitical interests, economic ties, and competing governance philosophies. It's difficult to see a simple resolution in the coming decades.
Decades ago, we were locked in a Cold War, with USA vs. Russia as the primary lens of everything from Communism vs. Capitalism, to the Space Race, to Olympic Hockey. As I see US and Russian astronauts working together on the jointly operated International Space Station, it gives me hope (perhaps naively) for a future where we can form a more symbiotic partnership through science and technology for the betterment of mankind. Maybe a world-view is too narrow a lens for a potential USA and Russian partnership.
Soviet Union disolves: After a failed coup in August, on December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as the President of the Soviet Union, effectively signaling the end of the Soviet state. This resulted in the autonomy of the Russian Federation (headed by President Boris Yeltsin) and the other former soviet territories (which had not already declared independence (starting in the 1980’s). After the collapse of Russia– nearly 22 Million Russians lived outside the Russian Federation. The largest diaspora, living in Ukraine, was 12 million (1.7 million in Crimea).
NATO: From its inception to its current state, NATO has been a Western Alliance keen on keeping the Russians at bay. In the fifties, one British MP summed up “[NATO was] Built to keep the Americans close, the Germans down, and the Russians out.” Over the years, NATO actions have aggravated Russian interests. During the Balkan Wars, the Russians believed NATO overreached when intervening against Serbian aggression during the Kosovo campaign. NATO led a bombing campaign in Belgrade which further frayed diplomatic relations between the West and Russia. Russia has used former USSR territories as a buffer zone against NATO countries, and yet, the 2018 NATO Brussels summit promised Ukraine NATO membership.
Germany: After WWII, the Soviet Union occupied East Germany, with the reunification of Germany signaling a shift in foreign relations with Russia. Coincidentally, Putin and Merkel were probably in East Germany at the same time. Putin was stationed as a KGB agent in Dresden, and Merkel As a young scientist in East Germany, watched the wall come down. Over the years she’s been the primary conduit between the West and Russia. Although strained, her relationship with Putin (where they converse in Russian and German) kept the peace at bay. Angela was scolded by U.S. President Trump due to their insufficient contribution to NATO military funds and Germany’s dependence on Russian gas imports through the Nord Stream pipeline and exports of manufacturing/ automobiles.
Ukraine: The foundation of Ukraine began in the 9th century and Kyiv played a significant role. Yaroslav the Wise (978–1054), Grand Prince of Kiev, was a venerated ruler of Kievan Rus was baptized as an Orthodox Christian in Crimea and accepted Christianity as the religion of Rus. Both Russia and Ukraine call him their sovereign. Ukraine, in a modern sense, came into being upon the invasion of the Mongols (referred to as the Mongol Yoke) during the 13th century. After the Mongols retreated it became part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth until the 17th century. This era saw the spread of Roman Catholicism in western Ukraine and the gradual estrangement of Ukrainian Orthodox Christians from the Polish-dominated Catholic state. The Cossack period, a semi-military community, played a role in revolting against the Polish and then later the Russians, eventually pledging allegiance to Alex Romanov, the first Romanov ruler. Throughout this period of tsarist Russian expansion, Ukrainian cultural and linguistic identity was suppressed. During WWII, Ukraine was occupied by Nazi Germany, as the Russians beat back the Nazis the people faced brutal Soviet reoccupation. It is also true that many ex-Nazis resettled in Ukraine after the war (now a political talking point of Russian propaganda). Similar to the Serbian-Kosovo conflict, Russians believe that core components of their nation’s history are located in Ukraine– at the time in the Soviet Union the bureaucratic change of administration over the Crimea region, was insignificant, however upon the implosion of the USSR, the Crimea region became the fraying rope in a tug-of-war-of-influence between Russia and Ukraine. This region has been rocked by “Revolution, War, Famine, War again,” repeat.
Chechnya: Operates as a semi-autonomous republic within Russia. The majority of Chechnya is Sunni-Muslim, and while the vast majority are peaceful, the region has been plagued by terrorist attacks. Two of the most lethal terrorist attacks in Russia were the 2002 seizure of the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow by Chechen terrorists, which resulted in 130 deaths, and the 2004 seizure by Chechen and Ingush terrorists of an elementary school in which 331 people perished,186 of them children. This resulted in the Second Chechen War (the first was originally for independence) until Putin struck a deal with the defacto thug-ruler Ramzan Kadyrov who agreed to pacify the region in exchange for Russian subsidies. Kadryrov prides Chechnya on being “combat infantry for Putin” as he sends his troops to fight alongside Asaad in Syria and separatists in the Dunbas of Ukraine.
Belarus: The current President Lukashenko, often referred to as Putin’s Puppet, was the only legislator not to vote for leaving the USSR. Russia has bought allegiance from the Belarusian state due to the heavily subsidized and favorable energy policy from mother Russia. Lukashenko enjoyed the spotlight when saving Putin from further humiliation after Russian mercenary group (Wagner) leader Yevgeny Prigozhin began to lead a rebellion against Putin for his lack of adequate support on the frontlines during the Ukraine war in 2023. Lukashenko proudly boasted that he helped broker a deal between the two and granted asylum to Prigozhin. Putin has since had Prigozhin killed on his way to Belarus (allegedly).
Kazakhstan: Upon the Soviet Union's disolvment, Kazakhstan had 8 million Kazakhs and 4 million Russians. Russia considers Kazakhstan its best ally in the near-abroad. The country has forged a new multi-ethic and multi-cultural identity. During WWII Millions of Germans and Jews were displaced here as well as millions of young Slavs designed (unsuccessfully) to boost agricultural production in the region. They became a leader in nuclear non-proliferation and coordinated with the IAEA with Uranium enrichment sites. They also have lots of oil production in the Caspian Sea and carry major pipelines to China (attracting lots of foreign investment).
Armenia / Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh is a region in Azerbaijan that contains 80% Armenians. Christian Armenians view the Muslim-Azeris (language Turkic) as cousins of the Turks who were responsible for the Armenian Genocide under the Ottoman Empire. The region has been a hotbed of conflict in the past five years (currently 2023) and the struggle persists due to Armenian's claim to national self-determination vs. the Azeris' claim to territorial integrity.
China: Sino-Soviet relations date back to disputes between nomadic tribes in Siberia/China, shared occupation by the Mongols, and Romanov Tsar expansion into Central Asia (especially when the Qing dynasty was in decline after the 19th century Opium Wars). After the Bolsheviks overthrew the Romanovs many anti-communists escaped to China. As Sino-Soviet countries barreled toward communism, Joseph Stalin recognized the People's Republic of China (PRC) under Mao Zedong in 1949. Since then, relations deteriorated significantly in the 1960s due to ideological and geopolitical differences and continued disputes over Manchuria. The United States is the greatest asset for Sino-Soviet relations.. as the saying goes… ‘The enemy of my enemy is my friend. China has been a stalwart blockade against ‘Western imperialism,’ and Russia has found a sympathetic friend in the disgruntled side-table of world leaders. They’ve worked closely, offering joint carrot-and-stick incentives through Belt and Road and other initiatives.
Japan: The Russo-Japanese War was a significant conflict between the Russian Empire and Japan. It began with a surprise attack by Japan on the Russian fleet in Port Arthur in 1904. Teddy Roosevelt brokered a deal in 1904 that recognized Japanese territorial gains in Manchuria/Korea. Japan also had minor occupations in Russia during the revolution of the 1920s. Interestingly, to this day, Russia and Japan still dispute over a group of islands called ‘The Kurils’ or “Northern Territories.” Japanese citizens admire Putin for his affinity and passion for Judo.
Middle East Power Broker: ‘Moscow has focused on developing ties to the newly emerging anti-colonial and anti-Western Arab countries, namely Iran and Syria.’ Russia was viewed as the Arab protectorate in the Middle East against the 1) U.S.-backed Taliban fighters in Afghanistan as well as 2) U.S.-backed Isreal. Russia was supplying many of the Arab countries with weapons, leading to the humiliating blow after Israel fought back against the Arab attack during the Six-Day War and then later in the Yom Kippur War. Iran: Post-Soviet Russia has 20 million Muslims. Iran, careful not to make an enemy out of Russia, refused to recognize or aid Muslim separatists in Chechnya. Syria: Asaad visited Moscow in 2005, and Putin received him warmly. Writing off 75% of their $13B+ debt, then launched new oil and gas investment deals. During the Arab Spring of the 2010s, Russian military involvement played a pivotal role in propping up Syrian dictator Bashar Al-Assad. The Assad family is part of the Shia Alawite minority that rules the Sunni-majority country. In 2013 Assad used biochemical weapons that killed 1,400 of his own people. Turkey: Turkey joined NATO and became Russia’s second-largest market for Russia’s energy resources. Both Putin and Erdogan (who the US believes are oppressive leaders), found solidarity in the fact that Western leaders would like to see them ousted. Erdogan opposes the Assad regime and its Shia Iranian backers and has taken in more than two million refugees from Syria. Isreal: Russia is in a unique position to serve as a power broker between Isreal and Arab countries due to the large Jewish population in Russia, and Russia’s leading involvement in defeating Nazism. Now they believe their new common enemy is Muslim-fundamentalism.
Reading this book gave me a better understanding of the complex web of historical claims, geopolitical interests, economic ties, and competing governance philosophies. It's difficult to see a simple resolution in the coming decades.
Decades ago, we were locked in a Cold War, with USA vs. Russia as the primary lens of everything from Communism vs. Capitalism, to the Space Race, to Olympic Hockey. As I see US and Russian astronauts working together on the jointly operated International Space Station, it gives me hope (perhaps naively) for a future where we can form a more symbiotic partnership through science and technology for the betterment of mankind. Maybe a world-view is too narrow a lens for a potential USA and Russian partnership.
January 18, 2020
Stent has provided a sober analysis of the complex role that Putin and Russia have in the world. Much of the hysteria, news, and noise is cut out from her assessment. This is a reasonable, rational, and non-partisan look at one of the world's most powerful leaders and the difficulties the West has in the post-Cold War order. Is he the bogeyman hiding under Democrats' beds? Is he the sympathetic figure from Oliver Stone's interviews? Is he a swell guy who ultimately has America's best interests at heart? No.
Russia is a great nation and civilization with a deep history that is to be respected. Putin understands this legacy and uses it to his advantage when projecting power in the Russian sphere of influence and around the world. According to Stent, his job is simple and he deserves credit for some of his accomplishments. The goal is to return Russia's great power status to the stature of the Cold War when the U.S.S.R was viewed as America's sole competitor; perhaps in some aspects an equal. However, this does not mean bringing back communism as that system is dead. What Putin has done so far is achieve foreign policy alliances within the Middle East and China, brought hegemony over historically and symbolically important regions in Ukraine and Georgia, and prove to the world that the West will not interfere within the immediate Russian sphere of influence as the nation gains more power.
The question of what comes next ultimately rests on the West's shoulders. If Putin is not the mastermind, James Bond type villain, seeking control of the world, then how has he been able to undermine institutions and erode faith in the global international system? This comes from within the West itself. Any regional power looking for a larger share the world's stage whose ideals don't include democracy, rule of law, and free markets would benefit from cracks in the alliance created after 1945. Enter the Age of Insecurity, as named by Ian Kershaw, with Trump and Brexit being the jokers in the deck. The West can only implode from within rather than crumble from outside attacks by peripheral powers. If the actions of a leader and nation outside of your area of influence do not sit well and pose a threat of ripping your own country apart then perhaps it is time to reaffirm faith in your institutions, educate the demos on the ideals which are difficult to live up to but important nonetheless, and blow the dust off of containment strategies that could still be useful in the 21st century.
Russia is a great nation and civilization with a deep history that is to be respected. Putin understands this legacy and uses it to his advantage when projecting power in the Russian sphere of influence and around the world. According to Stent, his job is simple and he deserves credit for some of his accomplishments. The goal is to return Russia's great power status to the stature of the Cold War when the U.S.S.R was viewed as America's sole competitor; perhaps in some aspects an equal. However, this does not mean bringing back communism as that system is dead. What Putin has done so far is achieve foreign policy alliances within the Middle East and China, brought hegemony over historically and symbolically important regions in Ukraine and Georgia, and prove to the world that the West will not interfere within the immediate Russian sphere of influence as the nation gains more power.
The question of what comes next ultimately rests on the West's shoulders. If Putin is not the mastermind, James Bond type villain, seeking control of the world, then how has he been able to undermine institutions and erode faith in the global international system? This comes from within the West itself. Any regional power looking for a larger share the world's stage whose ideals don't include democracy, rule of law, and free markets would benefit from cracks in the alliance created after 1945. Enter the Age of Insecurity, as named by Ian Kershaw, with Trump and Brexit being the jokers in the deck. The West can only implode from within rather than crumble from outside attacks by peripheral powers. If the actions of a leader and nation outside of your area of influence do not sit well and pose a threat of ripping your own country apart then perhaps it is time to reaffirm faith in your institutions, educate the demos on the ideals which are difficult to live up to but important nonetheless, and blow the dust off of containment strategies that could still be useful in the 21st century.
December 18, 2019
Stent examines Putin's worldview in this book in a fairly balanced manner (until the last few chapters - more on this in the second paragraph). She draws on centuries of Russian history to paint the bigger picture. This is pretty impressive given most English-language books about Putin essentially say he is a terrible person and Russia needs to accept the West's rules. Westerners don't realize that the average Russian is happy with the stability Putin has provided after the chaos of the 90s.
That said, I was not impressed with Stent's clearly slanted diatribe against President Trump in the last few chapters. She talks a lot about things Trump is suspected of doing with Russia, but completely ignores Hillary Clinton's collusion in the whole affair. Stent just loses her balance at the end. Oh and she doesn't talk about how the US interfered with Russia's elections in the 90s. So why is the Trump thing a big deal of none of the other events are worth mentioning?
That said, I would still recommend this book to someone seeking to understand Russia better.
That said, I was not impressed with Stent's clearly slanted diatribe against President Trump in the last few chapters. She talks a lot about things Trump is suspected of doing with Russia, but completely ignores Hillary Clinton's collusion in the whole affair. Stent just loses her balance at the end. Oh and she doesn't talk about how the US interfered with Russia's elections in the 90s. So why is the Trump thing a big deal of none of the other events are worth mentioning?
That said, I would still recommend this book to someone seeking to understand Russia better.
September 11, 2020
An interesting look into the world of Vladimir Putin, and his control of Russia. Determined to bring Russia into his vision of a world leader, the book explains how Putin is expanding and controlling Russia's foreign policy. Led by his anger at being denied his seat at the table by America, he seems to go out of his way to "stick his finger in our eye". It also covers Russia's relationships with Europe, China, and the Middle East. And the meddling with our electoral process.
There is no way around it. Putin is a megalomaniac thug. One totally dedicated to his own self preservation. I doubt that we (the US) could have done anything different to thwart his ambitions. But it does amaze me that we are so bad at predicting the rise of these cretins, and coming up with ways of stopping them before they become so influential.
A good read.
There is no way around it. Putin is a megalomaniac thug. One totally dedicated to his own self preservation. I doubt that we (the US) could have done anything different to thwart his ambitions. But it does amaze me that we are so bad at predicting the rise of these cretins, and coming up with ways of stopping them before they become so influential.
A good read.
January 28, 2025
Angela Stent is the embodiment of the liberal world order viewing all western forms of aggression as justified and moral regardless of the circumstances to the point of acknowledging the perspective of the large majority of the academic community with respect to the fact that NATO expansion has lead the Russians to take security measures not dissimilar to the actions the Western hegemonic superpower would take. However, she does this with the follow up of excuses as to why such aggressions would be justified. It’s understandable to not view Putin as some saint but if the ussr had been expanding towards the west in the manner NATO has expanded towards the east the west would take aggressive retaliatory steps in the name of “security”.
April 1, 2022
The history portions of her narrative were pretty good but when she delved into political commentary, her biased showed.
April 21, 2022
amazing look at putins foreign policy with a concentrated look at post-soviet country’s and the west. loved the chapter on the middle east and wish there would’ve been deeper focus on the impact of the arab spring.
please ignore the madeline albright endorsement on the cover - stent is critical of the west and actually directly criticizes the 1999 bombing of belgrade which she ordered.
stent foreshadows a lot of the ukraine crisis going in now in 2022, despite being published in 2020. it’s insane to think that despite the annexation of crimea in 2014 - trump was openly endorsing putin during his 2016 campaign with no one questioning ukraine. stent also discusses russias interference with election (i didn’t know that russia created a million bots for instagram/twitter/facebook to spread misinformation).
really amazing book, with concise and accessible information - i would say you want some background information on russias political history before starting though!
please ignore the madeline albright endorsement on the cover - stent is critical of the west and actually directly criticizes the 1999 bombing of belgrade which she ordered.
stent foreshadows a lot of the ukraine crisis going in now in 2022, despite being published in 2020. it’s insane to think that despite the annexation of crimea in 2014 - trump was openly endorsing putin during his 2016 campaign with no one questioning ukraine. stent also discusses russias interference with election (i didn’t know that russia created a million bots for instagram/twitter/facebook to spread misinformation).
really amazing book, with concise and accessible information - i would say you want some background information on russias political history before starting though!
July 7, 2023
Simply the best geopolitical book I've ever read. Angela Stent is a brilliant writer, vastly experienced in the topic at hand; the chapters are created thoughtfully and written with plenty of context. The author maintained a neutral voice throughout the book which in today's world is almost impossible to find. The book has a huge breadth and covers the history of russia from early 16th century through the tsarist rule, viking invasions, bolshevik revolution, world wars and the deeper impact they had on russia, creation of the soviet union and its eventual breakdown and the chaos that caused, cold war and ultimately the current wars that russia is fighting. The book also provides a lot of context on russia's relationship with each of its neighbors, especially the "near abroad". The book is a gold mine.
September 9, 2023
This book does an excellent job in challenging assumptions that Moscow is becoming increasingly isolated in the international system. Its increased presence in the Middle East, Central Asia, and Africa has allowed Putin to seek economic and political alternatives to the West. Although gross miscalculations were made by Putin in February 2022, technocrats supporting his regime are enjoying from strengthening relations with New Delhi, Beijing, and the developing world. A highly recommended read that challenges perceptions of increased Russian isolation and correctly warns about the dangers of complacency in the face of adversaries motivated to disrupt and overturn the current world order.
November 7, 2020
If you want to gain perspective beyond headlines in the media and a initial understanding of the complexity of Russian policy, Angela Stent provides an excellent platform. A fascinating read but not an easy or quick read. I found myself making connections to what is going on in the word today and able to avoid the oversimplified explanation of them versus us. It’s far more complicated than that and understandably so given Russia’s history with the West. The information is well worth the challenging read for the every day reader.
March 13, 2022
A comprehensive account of Russia’s approach to foreign policy under Putin with a particular emphasis on their resurgence post Soviet Union collapse. The chapters on Russia’s relationship and sphere of influence over former soviet states were especially insightful and prescient.
I found it to be an excellent book for someone wanting to broadly contextualise Russia’s (Read: Putin’s) current invasion of Ukraine.
While Stent’s account (published 2019) has aged very well, Putin’s hubris and hypocritical comments on Western violations of international law have assuredly not.
I found it to be an excellent book for someone wanting to broadly contextualise Russia’s (Read: Putin’s) current invasion of Ukraine.
While Stent’s account (published 2019) has aged very well, Putin’s hubris and hypocritical comments on Western violations of international law have assuredly not.
November 1, 2025
This book explains how Putin carved out (brought back) the Russia’s sphere of influence over the world post Soviet era. It also shows how complicated international diplomacy could be and provides details on Russian foreign policies with most of their significant partners.
Unlike the Indian PR, the book has very less details to talk about India Russia relations :)
Unlike the Indian PR, the book has very less details to talk about India Russia relations :)
May 13, 2021
Angela Stent's "Putin's World" is an accessible but deeply analytical look at the driving forces of Russian foreign policy under the country's longtime dictator. For anybody interested in international relations, this is must reading.
March 19, 2021
Great book that helps fill the gap between ww2 to date. I was surprised that as I was watching today’s current events unfold, the material in this book was so timely and informative. Good read!
May 7, 2022
If you like descriptive writing and are unfamiliar with Russian politics, this is a good choice.
April 1, 2024
Really interesting
March 2, 2022
I blazed through the Audiobook Version of Angela Stent's book in about 3 days, the author is clear, concise and thorough in her delivery of the information. Throughout the book I found there was a clear "Pro-Western" mindset but Stent doesn't hesitate to point out the mistakes, oversight or downright hypocrisy of Western leaders. Nobody is safe from her cold clear analysis be it Putin himself, Barrack Obama, either President Bush or even Bill Clinton.
She doesn't seem to have much time for President Trump but acknowledges his success in dealing with Putin and is carefully neutral on the subject of his involvement with Russia only providing facts and leaving the reader to form their own opinion.
Clearly an expert in her field Stent leaves you feeling better informed and introduces a lot of Russian culture and historical references meant to inspire further investigation by the reader into Russian Culture and History.
Overall 9/10 only because the middle drags a little bit and the book is a touch dry at times. All in all an excellent primer for anyone who wants to understand Crimea and the ongoing Russia Ukraine Crisis.
She doesn't seem to have much time for President Trump but acknowledges his success in dealing with Putin and is carefully neutral on the subject of his involvement with Russia only providing facts and leaving the reader to form their own opinion.
Clearly an expert in her field Stent leaves you feeling better informed and introduces a lot of Russian culture and historical references meant to inspire further investigation by the reader into Russian Culture and History.
Overall 9/10 only because the middle drags a little bit and the book is a touch dry at times. All in all an excellent primer for anyone who wants to understand Crimea and the ongoing Russia Ukraine Crisis.
October 16, 2024
(The English review is placed beneath the Russian one)
Очередная книга автора, которой не понял или не захотел понять современную Россию. Это, во-первых, а во-вторых, всё, что пишет автор, является простым пересказом новостных хроник за разный период времени и на разные темы российско-зарубежных отношений. В книге полностью отсутствует анализ произошедших событий. Как я только что написал, автор просто собрала все общеизвестные факты и сложила их вместе и в итоге получилась просто большая статья на тему, к примеру, русско-германских отношений, русско-украинских отношений, русско-японских отношений и так далее. В качестве напоминания того, что происходило на всём протяжении правления Путина в международной политике, книга справляется хорошо, но проблема лишь в том, что это является фасадом, а не реальной политикой или что описанное в книге не являлось реальными намерениями Путина и его приближённых. Это та иллюзорная картина (международной российской политики) которую он хотел показать народу, как России, так и всего мира, т.е. тот самый фасад, о котором писал Маркиз де Кюстин. Другими словами, вся международная политика Путина, это грамотно выстроенный PR. Реальные причины тех или иных международных решений остались не затронутыми (не освящёнными) этой книгой. И причина этого совершенно очевидна – трудный анализ и сбор такой информации, особенно внутри России. А самое главное и сложное в этом, это нахождение других источников для подтверждения оной информации. К примеру, аннексия Крыма была задумана и реализована не из-за желания Путина восстановить, как он и его приспешники говорят, так называемую историческую справедливость, а исключительно ради повышения собственного рейтинга в народе РФ. Вся международная политика проводилась исключительно с целью PR, т.е. чтобы Путин выглядел в глазах, прежде всего россиян и граждан остального мира в качестве выдающегося лидера, самого сильного, умного, могучего лидера страны XXI века.
Путин правильно просчитал реакцию его собственного населения, что если ликвидировать все независимые от Кремля СМИ и оставить только те СМИ, которые будут лепить из него «нового Сталина», а нефтегазовые доходы при этом использовать в качестве усиления экономической стабильности, россияне поверят этому образу «сильного, эффективного и стабильного Путина». Действительно, население России не стало задаваться вопросом, за счёт чего живёт страна, т.е. за счёт чего существует экономика и осуществляется экономический рост. Вместо этого они увидели, как Путин решает международные проблемы, как он «на равных» разговаривает с президентами США и лидерами других стран. Контраст по сравнению с Ельциным, разительный. Таким образом, международная политика заменила политику внутреннюю, ибо успехов добиться на международной арене оказалось намного проще. Как говорили многие россияне в то время: при Ельцине мы плохо жили и нас никто в мире не уважал, но при Путине нас хотя бы стали уважать и даже бояться (пусть мы и не стали жить слишком хорошо). Причём тут эта книга, спросите вы меня? А при том, что она как раз описывает (пересказывает) то, что транслировали в головы россиян провластные СМИ, а не то, что происходило в действительности. К примеру, в книге отсутствует упоминание того факта, что вся российская политическая элита имеет собственность на Западе, что их дети учатся там и что Россию они используют исключительно в целях собственного обогащения. Автор не упомянула о громадной и всепроникающей коррупции, которой не было ни в царской России, ни в Советском Союзе и которая из-за этого не позволяет создать из России реальную сверхдержаву, а не крупнейшую бензоколонку, какой Россия по факту и является. Если верить тому, что пишет автор, Россия хочет стать такой же могучей каким был СССР (в военном плане), однако это не соответствует действительности. А как же война с Грузией и Украиной, спросите вы меня, разве это не является частью имперского проекта? Нет. Это PR проект, цель которых показать, каким «сильным» является президент Путин и что он якобы «не допустит никакой угрозы РФ». Это иллюзия. Это всё сделано для того чтобы оставаться у власти в России максимально долго, а не попытка воссоздать СССР ver. 2.0.
А как же война с Украиной? А тут Путин просто просчитался, ибо спецслужбы докладывали ему, что украинцы встретят его войска цветами (условно говоря). Именно поэтому первые колонны российских войск были так быстро разбиты – они не ожидали, что украинцы окажут им настолько сильное и мощное сопротивление. Короче говоря, это тоже должно было стать масштабной PR акцией, ведь тогда рейтинг Путина взлетел бы до небес и никто бы уже не обратил бы внимание на внутренние экономические проблемы в РФ. Путин бы предстал в роли (образе) Владимира – объединители славянских (русских) древних земель и народов. Всего этого автор не поняла и как следствие ничего об этом не написала. Вместо этого она описала тот образ России, который продвигает Кремль. Но это не реальность, это иллюзорная картинка.
It is another book by an author who did not understand or did not want to understand modern Russia - this is firstly, and secondly, everything that the author writes is a simple retelling of news chronicles from different periods of time and on different topics of Russian-foreign relations. The book completely lacks analysis of the events that took place. As I have just written, the author simply gathered all the well-known facts and put them together. And the result is just a big article on, for example, Russian-German relations, Russian-Ukrainian relations, Russian-Japanese relations, and so on. As a reminder of what has been going on throughout Putin's reign in international politics, the book does a good job, but the only problem is that it is a facade, not a real policy, or that what is described in the book was not the real intentions of Putin and his cronies. It is the illusory picture (of international Russian politics) that he wanted to show to the people of both Russia and the world, i.e., the very facade that the Marquis de Custine wrote about. In other words, Putin's entire international policy is a well-constructed PR. The real reasons for these or those international decisions have remained untouched (not covered) by this book. The reason for this is quite obvious - it is difficult to analyze and collect such information, especially inside Russia. And the most important and difficult thing is to find other sources to confirm this information. For example, the annexation of Crimea was conceived not because of Putin's desire to restore, as he and his henchmen say, the so-called historical justice but only for the sake of increasing his own rating among the people of the Russian Federation. All international policy was conducted solely for the purpose of PR, i.e., to make Putin look in the eyes of, first of all, Russians and citizens of the rest of the world as an outstanding leader, the strongest, smartest, most powerful leader of the country of the XXI century.
Putin has correctly calculated the reaction of his own population that if he eliminates all media outlets independent of the Kremlin and leaves only those outlets that will mold him into a “new Stalin,” while using oil and gas revenues to increase economic stability, Russians will believe this image of a “strong, effective, and stable Putin.” Indeed, the Russian population did not question the country's livelihood, i.e., the economy and economic growth. Instead, they saw how Putin solves international problems, and how he speaks “on equal terms” with U.S. presidents and leaders of other countries. The contrast, compared to Yeltsin, is stark. Thus, international politics replaced domestic politics, for it was much easier to achieve success in the international arena. As many Russians said at the time: under Yeltsin, we lived badly, and no one in the world respected us, but under Putin, at least we were respected and even feared (even if we did not live too well). What does this book have to do with it, you ask me? Because it describes (retells) what the pro-government media broadcast into the heads of Russians, not what actually happened. For example, there is no mention of the fact that the entire Russian political elite has property in the West, that their children study there, and that they use Russia exclusively for their own enrichment. The author did not mention the enormous and pervasive corruption, which did not exist either in Tsarist Russia or in the Soviet Union and which, because of this, prevented Russia from becoming a real superpower rather than a gasoline station, which it is. If you believe what the author says, Russia wants to become as powerful as the USSR was (militarily), but this is not true. What about the war with Georgia and Ukraine, you ask me, isn't that part of the imperial project? No. This is a PR project, the purpose of which is to show how “strong” President Putin is and that he supposedly “will not allow any threat to Russia”. This is an illusion. This is all done to stay in power in Russia for as long as possible, not an attempt to recreate the USSR ver. 2.0.
What about the war with Ukraine? Putin simply miscalculated because intelligence services reported to him that Ukrainians would greet his troops with flowers (conventionally speaking). That's why the first columns of Russian troops were so quickly defeated - they didn't expect the Ukrainians to offer them such strong resistance. In short, this was also supposed to be a large-scale PR action because then Putin's rating would have skyrocketed, and no one would have paid attention to the internal economic problems in the Russian Federation. Putin would appear in the role (image) of Vladimir - unite Slavic (Russian) ancient lands and peoples. All this the author has not understood and, as a consequence, has not written anything about it. Instead, she described the image of Russia that the Kremlin promotes. But this is not reality - it is an illusory picture.
Очередная книга автора, которой не понял или не захотел понять современную Россию. Это, во-первых, а во-вторых, всё, что пишет автор, является простым пересказом новостных хроник за разный период времени и на разные темы российско-зарубежных отношений. В книге полностью отсутствует анализ произошедших событий. Как я только что написал, автор просто собрала все общеизвестные факты и сложила их вместе и в итоге получилась просто большая статья на тему, к примеру, русско-германских отношений, русско-украинских отношений, русско-японских отношений и так далее. В качестве напоминания того, что происходило на всём протяжении правления Путина в международной политике, книга справляется хорошо, но проблема лишь в том, что это является фасадом, а не реальной политикой или что описанное в книге не являлось реальными намерениями Путина и его приближённых. Это та иллюзорная картина (международной российской политики) которую он хотел показать народу, как России, так и всего мира, т.е. тот самый фасад, о котором писал Маркиз де Кюстин. Другими словами, вся международная политика Путина, это грамотно выстроенный PR. Реальные причины тех или иных международных решений остались не затронутыми (не освящёнными) этой книгой. И причина этого совершенно очевидна – трудный анализ и сбор такой информации, особенно внутри России. А самое главное и сложное в этом, это нахождение других источников для подтверждения оной информации. К примеру, аннексия Крыма была задумана и реализована не из-за желания Путина восстановить, как он и его приспешники говорят, так называемую историческую справедливость, а исключительно ради повышения собственного рейтинга в народе РФ. Вся международная политика проводилась исключительно с целью PR, т.е. чтобы Путин выглядел в глазах, прежде всего россиян и граждан остального мира в качестве выдающегося лидера, самого сильного, умного, могучего лидера страны XXI века.
Путин правильно просчитал реакцию его собственного населения, что если ликвидировать все независимые от Кремля СМИ и оставить только те СМИ, которые будут лепить из него «нового Сталина», а нефтегазовые доходы при этом использовать в качестве усиления экономической стабильности, россияне поверят этому образу «сильного, эффективного и стабильного Путина». Действительно, население России не стало задаваться вопросом, за счёт чего живёт страна, т.е. за счёт чего существует экономика и осуществляется экономический рост. Вместо этого они увидели, как Путин решает международные проблемы, как он «на равных» разговаривает с президентами США и лидерами других стран. Контраст по сравнению с Ельциным, разительный. Таким образом, международная политика заменила политику внутреннюю, ибо успехов добиться на международной арене оказалось намного проще. Как говорили многие россияне в то время: при Ельцине мы плохо жили и нас никто в мире не уважал, но при Путине нас хотя бы стали уважать и даже бояться (пусть мы и не стали жить слишком хорошо). Причём тут эта книга, спросите вы меня? А при том, что она как раз описывает (пересказывает) то, что транслировали в головы россиян провластные СМИ, а не то, что происходило в действительности. К примеру, в книге отсутствует упоминание того факта, что вся российская политическая элита имеет собственность на Западе, что их дети учатся там и что Россию они используют исключительно в целях собственного обогащения. Автор не упомянула о громадной и всепроникающей коррупции, которой не было ни в царской России, ни в Советском Союзе и которая из-за этого не позволяет создать из России реальную сверхдержаву, а не крупнейшую бензоколонку, какой Россия по факту и является. Если верить тому, что пишет автор, Россия хочет стать такой же могучей каким был СССР (в военном плане), однако это не соответствует действительности. А как же война с Грузией и Украиной, спросите вы меня, разве это не является частью имперского проекта? Нет. Это PR проект, цель которых показать, каким «сильным» является президент Путин и что он якобы «не допустит никакой угрозы РФ». Это иллюзия. Это всё сделано для того чтобы оставаться у власти в России максимально долго, а не попытка воссоздать СССР ver. 2.0.
А как же война с Украиной? А тут Путин просто просчитался, ибо спецслужбы докладывали ему, что украинцы встретят его войска цветами (условно говоря). Именно поэтому первые колонны российских войск были так быстро разбиты – они не ожидали, что украинцы окажут им настолько сильное и мощное сопротивление. Короче говоря, это тоже должно было стать масштабной PR акцией, ведь тогда рейтинг Путина взлетел бы до небес и никто бы уже не обратил бы внимание на внутренние экономические проблемы в РФ. Путин бы предстал в роли (образе) Владимира – объединители славянских (русских) древних земель и народов. Всего этого автор не поняла и как следствие ничего об этом не написала. Вместо этого она описала тот образ России, который продвигает Кремль. Но это не реальность, это иллюзорная картинка.
It is another book by an author who did not understand or did not want to understand modern Russia - this is firstly, and secondly, everything that the author writes is a simple retelling of news chronicles from different periods of time and on different topics of Russian-foreign relations. The book completely lacks analysis of the events that took place. As I have just written, the author simply gathered all the well-known facts and put them together. And the result is just a big article on, for example, Russian-German relations, Russian-Ukrainian relations, Russian-Japanese relations, and so on. As a reminder of what has been going on throughout Putin's reign in international politics, the book does a good job, but the only problem is that it is a facade, not a real policy, or that what is described in the book was not the real intentions of Putin and his cronies. It is the illusory picture (of international Russian politics) that he wanted to show to the people of both Russia and the world, i.e., the very facade that the Marquis de Custine wrote about. In other words, Putin's entire international policy is a well-constructed PR. The real reasons for these or those international decisions have remained untouched (not covered) by this book. The reason for this is quite obvious - it is difficult to analyze and collect such information, especially inside Russia. And the most important and difficult thing is to find other sources to confirm this information. For example, the annexation of Crimea was conceived not because of Putin's desire to restore, as he and his henchmen say, the so-called historical justice but only for the sake of increasing his own rating among the people of the Russian Federation. All international policy was conducted solely for the purpose of PR, i.e., to make Putin look in the eyes of, first of all, Russians and citizens of the rest of the world as an outstanding leader, the strongest, smartest, most powerful leader of the country of the XXI century.
Putin has correctly calculated the reaction of his own population that if he eliminates all media outlets independent of the Kremlin and leaves only those outlets that will mold him into a “new Stalin,” while using oil and gas revenues to increase economic stability, Russians will believe this image of a “strong, effective, and stable Putin.” Indeed, the Russian population did not question the country's livelihood, i.e., the economy and economic growth. Instead, they saw how Putin solves international problems, and how he speaks “on equal terms” with U.S. presidents and leaders of other countries. The contrast, compared to Yeltsin, is stark. Thus, international politics replaced domestic politics, for it was much easier to achieve success in the international arena. As many Russians said at the time: under Yeltsin, we lived badly, and no one in the world respected us, but under Putin, at least we were respected and even feared (even if we did not live too well). What does this book have to do with it, you ask me? Because it describes (retells) what the pro-government media broadcast into the heads of Russians, not what actually happened. For example, there is no mention of the fact that the entire Russian political elite has property in the West, that their children study there, and that they use Russia exclusively for their own enrichment. The author did not mention the enormous and pervasive corruption, which did not exist either in Tsarist Russia or in the Soviet Union and which, because of this, prevented Russia from becoming a real superpower rather than a gasoline station, which it is. If you believe what the author says, Russia wants to become as powerful as the USSR was (militarily), but this is not true. What about the war with Georgia and Ukraine, you ask me, isn't that part of the imperial project? No. This is a PR project, the purpose of which is to show how “strong” President Putin is and that he supposedly “will not allow any threat to Russia”. This is an illusion. This is all done to stay in power in Russia for as long as possible, not an attempt to recreate the USSR ver. 2.0.
What about the war with Ukraine? Putin simply miscalculated because intelligence services reported to him that Ukrainians would greet his troops with flowers (conventionally speaking). That's why the first columns of Russian troops were so quickly defeated - they didn't expect the Ukrainians to offer them such strong resistance. In short, this was also supposed to be a large-scale PR action because then Putin's rating would have skyrocketed, and no one would have paid attention to the internal economic problems in the Russian Federation. Putin would appear in the role (image) of Vladimir - unite Slavic (Russian) ancient lands and peoples. All this the author has not understood and, as a consequence, has not written anything about it. Instead, she described the image of Russia that the Kremlin promotes. But this is not reality - it is an illusory picture.
April 6, 2022
Putin’s World
The book does a good job summarizing Russia’s foreign relationship (under Putin) with countries and regions. Relevant today given Ukraine.
The book does a good job summarizing Russia’s foreign relationship (under Putin) with countries and regions. Relevant today given Ukraine.
October 17, 2025
Very insightful. It’s not a biography about Putin, but more so about the geopolitical conditions upon which he has based Russian foreign policy. Gives great context to post-Soviet history, but doesn’t weigh it down with extraneous detail. She offers some wonderful policy recommendations for the West that clearly haven’t been followed. Obviously the Ukraine content is out of date, since this was written before the full-scale invasion, but hauntingly, Stent provided recommendations for deterring Russian aggression in this regard. Reading the book in 2025, one can see how the current war in Ukraine has just been a continuation of 2014.
May 26, 2020
This book by Georgetown professor Angela Stent serves as an excellent introduction for the general American reader who wants to know more about Russia. The author begins by laying out some groundwork for a solid base knowledge about Russia, a base from which other information should keep in mind as a backdrop.
For example, it may be difficult for the average American to appreciate the scope and depth of Russia's tragic 20th century. Just in the twenty five years during the reign of Stalin, Russia had 20 million deaths due to collectivization and famine on its' farms and the political purges of the regime. Twenty seven million Russians perished in World War II. The scale of such tragedy has been depicted by Russian leaders as a source of Russian pride. A Russia, as the author of this book puts it, that "defeats all enemies through endurance and adversity". Indeed, Russia's leaders, in their managing of Russians' collective narrative and sentiment about their nation, strive to evoke not a land of repression and murder but a unique civilization with a grand destiny. And as a nation with a long history of empire and international relations, projecting this image to the world has also been important. Thus, in the "expertly produced" opening ceremonies of the Olympic games in 2014, foreign spectators were taken on what Stent calls a "riveting ride through Russian history", with household names like Catherine the Great and Leo Tolstoy making appearances at the show.
While Russia stands out among nations for both the quality of its' achievements and the deep devastation it has wrought, it may very well proclaim that with greatness comes a price. One can't blame Russia's leaders too much for skewing the facts so that the greatness overshadows the price, but as a historical world power that's had great influence over other people the price is well accounted for by others. One just has to think of the public opinions of Russia in places like Poland and Ukraine. Or what Russia's Jews and Muslims think about the price that's been paid for the country's greatness.
It's as if a leader like Putin has basically been telling the world "take us as we are, and decide for yourselves if partnering with us is in your best interests". Stent shows that Putin's managed a variety of successes on the world stage, mostly in Asia and the Middle East.
It would be wrong to attribute this success solely on Russia's ability to offer potential and actual allies with transactional benefits and its' use of strategic machinations. There is a portion of the Russian populace that holds formidable cultural capital when it comes to world knowledge and engagement, as I discovered while living in the country on a Fulbright grant from 2009-10. My university students in Ekaterinburg were acquiring at least two foreign languages and sought to engage foreigners in their city with a sincere effort to create relations of mutual understanding and respect. For some of them, this international interest stemmed from a dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in Russia: as one student put it, she planned to emigrate to Germany because of her deeming Russia a бедная страна (poor country). Others had more attachment and pride in being Russian, and behaved as self-aware stewards of Russia representing their country to the world. And Russia as a civilizational entity with its' ability to showcase strength and independence on the world arena has certainly drawn admirers from abroad. I recall Turkish students in Ekaterinburg coming to study there with a real fondness for Russia, a place they could identify with more than Western countries.
For example, it may be difficult for the average American to appreciate the scope and depth of Russia's tragic 20th century. Just in the twenty five years during the reign of Stalin, Russia had 20 million deaths due to collectivization and famine on its' farms and the political purges of the regime. Twenty seven million Russians perished in World War II. The scale of such tragedy has been depicted by Russian leaders as a source of Russian pride. A Russia, as the author of this book puts it, that "defeats all enemies through endurance and adversity". Indeed, Russia's leaders, in their managing of Russians' collective narrative and sentiment about their nation, strive to evoke not a land of repression and murder but a unique civilization with a grand destiny. And as a nation with a long history of empire and international relations, projecting this image to the world has also been important. Thus, in the "expertly produced" opening ceremonies of the Olympic games in 2014, foreign spectators were taken on what Stent calls a "riveting ride through Russian history", with household names like Catherine the Great and Leo Tolstoy making appearances at the show.
While Russia stands out among nations for both the quality of its' achievements and the deep devastation it has wrought, it may very well proclaim that with greatness comes a price. One can't blame Russia's leaders too much for skewing the facts so that the greatness overshadows the price, but as a historical world power that's had great influence over other people the price is well accounted for by others. One just has to think of the public opinions of Russia in places like Poland and Ukraine. Or what Russia's Jews and Muslims think about the price that's been paid for the country's greatness.
It's as if a leader like Putin has basically been telling the world "take us as we are, and decide for yourselves if partnering with us is in your best interests". Stent shows that Putin's managed a variety of successes on the world stage, mostly in Asia and the Middle East.
It would be wrong to attribute this success solely on Russia's ability to offer potential and actual allies with transactional benefits and its' use of strategic machinations. There is a portion of the Russian populace that holds formidable cultural capital when it comes to world knowledge and engagement, as I discovered while living in the country on a Fulbright grant from 2009-10. My university students in Ekaterinburg were acquiring at least two foreign languages and sought to engage foreigners in their city with a sincere effort to create relations of mutual understanding and respect. For some of them, this international interest stemmed from a dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in Russia: as one student put it, she planned to emigrate to Germany because of her deeming Russia a бедная страна (poor country). Others had more attachment and pride in being Russian, and behaved as self-aware stewards of Russia representing their country to the world. And Russia as a civilizational entity with its' ability to showcase strength and independence on the world arena has certainly drawn admirers from abroad. I recall Turkish students in Ekaterinburg coming to study there with a real fondness for Russia, a place they could identify with more than Western countries.
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