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The Nonviolent Struggle for Indian Freedom, 1905-19
Much of the recent surge in writing about the practice of nonviolent forms of resistance has focused on movements that occurred after the end of the Second World War, many of which have been extremely successful. Although the fact that such a method of resistance was developed in its modern form by Indians is acknowledged in this writing, there has not until now been an authoritative history of the role of Indians in the evolution of the phenomenon.
Celebrated historian David Hardiman shows that while nonviolence is associated above all with the towering figure of Mahatma Gandhi, 'passive resistance' was already being practiced by nationalists in British-ruled India, though there was no principled commitment to nonviolence as such. It was Gandhi, first in South Africa and then in India, who evolved a technique that he called 'satyagraha'. His endeavors saw 'nonviolence' forged as both a new word in the English language, and a new political concept.
This book conveys in vivid detail exactly what nonviolence entailed, and the formidable difficulties that the pioneers of such resistance encountered in the years 1905-19.
Celebrated historian David Hardiman shows that while nonviolence is associated above all with the towering figure of Mahatma Gandhi, 'passive resistance' was already being practiced by nationalists in British-ruled India, though there was no principled commitment to nonviolence as such. It was Gandhi, first in South Africa and then in India, who evolved a technique that he called 'satyagraha'. His endeavors saw 'nonviolence' forged as both a new word in the English language, and a new political concept.
This book conveys in vivid detail exactly what nonviolence entailed, and the formidable difficulties that the pioneers of such resistance encountered in the years 1905-19.
288 pages, Hardcover
Published December 15, 2018
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About the author
David Hardiman
18 books7 followersDavid Hardiman is Emeritus Professor of History at the University of Warwick and a founding member of the Subaltern Studies Group.
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January 17, 2020
Of all the imperialist powers, the British Empire was the most far-flung. Britannia was said to be ‘ruling the waves’ and the sun never set on its wide borders. India was their most prized possession, in fact, a jewel in the crown. It is an everlasting wonder of history that this powerful empire let go of India as a result of a series of non-violent protests organized by a British-educated Indian lawyer, who combined deft political maneuvering with naïve exploitation of popular sentiments. India’s official history of the independence struggle eulogizes nonviolence to the level of gospel. This book is a timely mirror on the origins of passive resistance in India that was adopted and transmogrified by Gandhi into his Satyagraha. Most of it was, unfortunately, nonviolent in all but name. Any credible Indian historian don’t subscribe to the view that freedom came entirely as a result of Gandhi’s nonviolent struggle. David Hardiman is a professor of history at the University of Warwick. This book is an outcome of the author’s longstanding interest in Indian Nationalist Movement and Gandhi’s role in it. It is here combined with a recent engagement with the theory and practice of nonviolent resistance. The author’s research is split into two volumes, this being the first to cover the period from 1905 to 1919 that narrates the development of civil forms of protest under the rubric of ‘passive resistance’.
As a preliminary exercise, the book clears away notions that credit Gandhi with the invention of nonviolent passive resistance in the world. The enormity of this falsehood is further driven home by the uncertain and bungling modus operandi he employed in his earlier satyagrahas. The Chartist Movement of the 1830s combined the diligent activism of high-minded proponents of ‘moral force’ with the more turbulent protest of the advocates of ‘physical force’. Passive resistance was a strategy to make administration impossible. This was adopted in Ireland by Parnell when he organized a campaign of rent refusal and persistent obstruction of all Irish business in Westminster. The first ever concentrated and sustained mass protest in India began in 1905 with the partition of Bengal when Gandhi was still in South Africa. Swadeshi movement was tasked with the aim of buying only indigenous produce. Volunteers helped enforce the boycott, sometimes physically. People who violated the restrictions were subjected to social ostracism by caste councils. This was not very effective in the end. In addition to several clashes with the protesters, Muslims did not support the agitation to revoke the partition of Bengal (p.25). But passive resistance promoted a spirit of national unity and independence that had atrophied for India. It afforded the best training for these qualities.
Hardiman subjects the protestors to a class analysis that is generally not seen outside leftist studies. He observes two distinct objectives for the elite and the subaltern who took part in the struggle. The elite sought to win constitutional power and deployed agitation to this end. Elite nationalists were not committed to giving the subaltern any real power, often withdrawing protest when they were seen to pose a challenge to Indian elite groups. This led to the elites stressing nonviolence, as it offered a lesser threat to their power. Indian national Congress, in its initial stages, represented the interests of a middle class that had benefited from British rule and which then claimed that it had reached that stage of civilized development at which it deserved a share of imperial power. This period saw a clear shift from its earlier practice of meek petitioning and initiating respectful requests to the British to honour their promises. Indian national movement’s three stages of development are also spelt out in the book. These consisted of the moment of departure, manoeuvre and arrival. The first was a period of mild reformist demands with minimal mass engagement. The second was synonymous with the emergence of Gandhi and the elites’ embracing of populist politics that gave the impression that they were champions of the people. The third phase came as it became clear after about 1937 that the British would soon yield power and the nationalist elite developed agendas to consolidate their class power in an independent India. Populism was then abandoned, except during short periods such as the Quit India movement.
Contrary to popular misconception, the book establishes that Swadeshi movement had come into being almost a decade before Gandhi returned from South Africa. But this took on curious social guises. Imported goods were thought to be not only an economic evil, but a threat to caste purity as they were allegedly contaminated with ritually impure substances. This strengthened the social prejudices rather than undermining them. The practice assumed a distinctly communal tone. Surendranath Banerjee encouraged people to take a vow before a Hindu deity to support Swadeshi products and the boycott of foreign goods. This was anyhow logical, as the Muslims never took part jointly with the Hindus against the British except on the two occasions of the 1857 Mutiny and the 1921 Khilafat. The passive resistance method was also pragmatic, considering the immense firepower of the British who used to spend almost a quarter of the national income on defence and police. This was especially suited to countries where the government depends mainly for the continuance of its administration on the voluntary help and acquiescence of the subject people. Its applicability in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia was rather doubtful. The novel kind of protest also confused the police on how to deal with it. They had been able to crush unruly assemblies by the lower classes with few scruples. Now they found it hard to know how to respond to protests by the ‘respectable’ classes. In East Bengal, the protestors belonged to landlord class and they strongly opposed government attempts to record the rights of tenant farmers.
The author gives due prominence to Gandhi even though he came on the scene rather late in the period under scrutiny in this book. A primer on his South African career is also included. His track record there was not scintillating by any stretch of the imagination. His campaigns against the 1907 Registration Act and laws that nullified Hindu and Muslim marriages were dubious in its efficacy. Gandhi's strategy was to win over the opponent in a spiritual way and class solidarity was not given any weightage. During the white railway workers’ strike in 1913, Gandhi suspended his movement to help the government break the strike. The truth is that Gandhi could never extract anything more solid than a few pragmatic concessions the other side was willing to concede. Gandhi’s three Indian campaigns of Champaran (1917), Kheda (1918) and the Rowlatt satyagraha of 1919 are covered in this volume. The first was a partial success, the second a failure and the third a total disaster. Even during 1917-18, Gandhi projected himself as a well-wisher of the British Empire who supported the war effort and asked Indians to enrol in the army. In Champaran, he gave orders that there was to be no mention of Congress or Indian nationalism lest it antagonise the British officials. Gandhi lost control of the masses very quickly and then they indulged in an uncontrolled orgy of violence. Tagore had warned Gandhi that he was playing with fire just before the Rowlatt satyagraha began. True to his prophecy, it ended with the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. Gandhi himself later admitted that it was a ‘Himalayan miscalculation’. The book includes a detailed description of the violence during the protests.
A crucial highlight of Hardiman’s arguments was that Gandhi idealized the village society out of ignorance of them. The typical Indian village was riven by inequalities and hierarchy and all of them were not half-starved as Gandhi wrongly thought. Also, violence was routinely employed in the villages to enforce the will of the dominant against subordinate castes and by men against women. The peasants who provided the backbone to the movements in Champaran and Kheda were from a wealthy village oligarchy. They were not fighting to end the inequality within the villages but to end their oppression at the hands of white planters. The agrarian legislation which came as a result of the agitation in 1918 benefited mainly wealthier peasants. The poor farmers were quite scathing about Gandhi and his legacy for the area. Caste organisations were also mobilized in support of satyagraha. They enforced the social boycott of anyone who paid taxes. This book includes the story of another satyagraha at Bijoliya in Rajasthan which was guided by Vijay Singh Pathik. This was a profound success and Pathik never worried that the masses would get out of hand as Gandhi always feared.
The book is interesting to read and provides a refreshingly new perspective of the nonviolent movement keeping aside reverence to the Father of the Nation wherever it was not due nor deserved. A good bibliography is a boon to the readers who want to pursue further from where the author has stopped.
The book is highly recommended.
As a preliminary exercise, the book clears away notions that credit Gandhi with the invention of nonviolent passive resistance in the world. The enormity of this falsehood is further driven home by the uncertain and bungling modus operandi he employed in his earlier satyagrahas. The Chartist Movement of the 1830s combined the diligent activism of high-minded proponents of ‘moral force’ with the more turbulent protest of the advocates of ‘physical force’. Passive resistance was a strategy to make administration impossible. This was adopted in Ireland by Parnell when he organized a campaign of rent refusal and persistent obstruction of all Irish business in Westminster. The first ever concentrated and sustained mass protest in India began in 1905 with the partition of Bengal when Gandhi was still in South Africa. Swadeshi movement was tasked with the aim of buying only indigenous produce. Volunteers helped enforce the boycott, sometimes physically. People who violated the restrictions were subjected to social ostracism by caste councils. This was not very effective in the end. In addition to several clashes with the protesters, Muslims did not support the agitation to revoke the partition of Bengal (p.25). But passive resistance promoted a spirit of national unity and independence that had atrophied for India. It afforded the best training for these qualities.
Hardiman subjects the protestors to a class analysis that is generally not seen outside leftist studies. He observes two distinct objectives for the elite and the subaltern who took part in the struggle. The elite sought to win constitutional power and deployed agitation to this end. Elite nationalists were not committed to giving the subaltern any real power, often withdrawing protest when they were seen to pose a challenge to Indian elite groups. This led to the elites stressing nonviolence, as it offered a lesser threat to their power. Indian national Congress, in its initial stages, represented the interests of a middle class that had benefited from British rule and which then claimed that it had reached that stage of civilized development at which it deserved a share of imperial power. This period saw a clear shift from its earlier practice of meek petitioning and initiating respectful requests to the British to honour their promises. Indian national movement’s three stages of development are also spelt out in the book. These consisted of the moment of departure, manoeuvre and arrival. The first was a period of mild reformist demands with minimal mass engagement. The second was synonymous with the emergence of Gandhi and the elites’ embracing of populist politics that gave the impression that they were champions of the people. The third phase came as it became clear after about 1937 that the British would soon yield power and the nationalist elite developed agendas to consolidate their class power in an independent India. Populism was then abandoned, except during short periods such as the Quit India movement.
Contrary to popular misconception, the book establishes that Swadeshi movement had come into being almost a decade before Gandhi returned from South Africa. But this took on curious social guises. Imported goods were thought to be not only an economic evil, but a threat to caste purity as they were allegedly contaminated with ritually impure substances. This strengthened the social prejudices rather than undermining them. The practice assumed a distinctly communal tone. Surendranath Banerjee encouraged people to take a vow before a Hindu deity to support Swadeshi products and the boycott of foreign goods. This was anyhow logical, as the Muslims never took part jointly with the Hindus against the British except on the two occasions of the 1857 Mutiny and the 1921 Khilafat. The passive resistance method was also pragmatic, considering the immense firepower of the British who used to spend almost a quarter of the national income on defence and police. This was especially suited to countries where the government depends mainly for the continuance of its administration on the voluntary help and acquiescence of the subject people. Its applicability in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia was rather doubtful. The novel kind of protest also confused the police on how to deal with it. They had been able to crush unruly assemblies by the lower classes with few scruples. Now they found it hard to know how to respond to protests by the ‘respectable’ classes. In East Bengal, the protestors belonged to landlord class and they strongly opposed government attempts to record the rights of tenant farmers.
The author gives due prominence to Gandhi even though he came on the scene rather late in the period under scrutiny in this book. A primer on his South African career is also included. His track record there was not scintillating by any stretch of the imagination. His campaigns against the 1907 Registration Act and laws that nullified Hindu and Muslim marriages were dubious in its efficacy. Gandhi's strategy was to win over the opponent in a spiritual way and class solidarity was not given any weightage. During the white railway workers’ strike in 1913, Gandhi suspended his movement to help the government break the strike. The truth is that Gandhi could never extract anything more solid than a few pragmatic concessions the other side was willing to concede. Gandhi’s three Indian campaigns of Champaran (1917), Kheda (1918) and the Rowlatt satyagraha of 1919 are covered in this volume. The first was a partial success, the second a failure and the third a total disaster. Even during 1917-18, Gandhi projected himself as a well-wisher of the British Empire who supported the war effort and asked Indians to enrol in the army. In Champaran, he gave orders that there was to be no mention of Congress or Indian nationalism lest it antagonise the British officials. Gandhi lost control of the masses very quickly and then they indulged in an uncontrolled orgy of violence. Tagore had warned Gandhi that he was playing with fire just before the Rowlatt satyagraha began. True to his prophecy, it ended with the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. Gandhi himself later admitted that it was a ‘Himalayan miscalculation’. The book includes a detailed description of the violence during the protests.
A crucial highlight of Hardiman’s arguments was that Gandhi idealized the village society out of ignorance of them. The typical Indian village was riven by inequalities and hierarchy and all of them were not half-starved as Gandhi wrongly thought. Also, violence was routinely employed in the villages to enforce the will of the dominant against subordinate castes and by men against women. The peasants who provided the backbone to the movements in Champaran and Kheda were from a wealthy village oligarchy. They were not fighting to end the inequality within the villages but to end their oppression at the hands of white planters. The agrarian legislation which came as a result of the agitation in 1918 benefited mainly wealthier peasants. The poor farmers were quite scathing about Gandhi and his legacy for the area. Caste organisations were also mobilized in support of satyagraha. They enforced the social boycott of anyone who paid taxes. This book includes the story of another satyagraha at Bijoliya in Rajasthan which was guided by Vijay Singh Pathik. This was a profound success and Pathik never worried that the masses would get out of hand as Gandhi always feared.
The book is interesting to read and provides a refreshingly new perspective of the nonviolent movement keeping aside reverence to the Father of the Nation wherever it was not due nor deserved. A good bibliography is a boon to the readers who want to pursue further from where the author has stopped.
The book is highly recommended.
February 4, 2019
David Hardiman's work The Nonviolent Struggle for Indian Freedom, 1905-19 is a historical look at the various nonviolent movements in the first two decades of the twentieth century in India. The work begins with the study of Passive Resistance movements in various part of India. The major centres of early nonviolent resistance were in Bengal and Maharashtra.
In Bengal, this was launched against the splitting of Bengal into West and East Bengal.
These movements were primarily dominated by urban intelligentsia inspired mainly by various movements in the West. This book captures through the writings of Aurobindo Ghosh who has written about using Passive resistance as a tool to protest against the British. Although Ghosh believed that Passive Resistance to be useful he felt it can support armed struggle against the British. The book also various Passive resistance movements that happened in Europe in this time like the Finish resistance to Russia, Hungarian resistance to Austrian dominance, the Suffragette movement in Britain. These movements, in turn, inspired Indian nationalists to use Passive Resistance to mount pressure on the British government.
These movements fundamentally differed from the later non-violent Gandhian movement referred to as Satyagraha in fundamentally two crucial aspects. They didn't have a popular mass character they were predominantly urban. In places where it was successful like in Punjab, it was because in Punjab the problem had a mass appeal and the nationalist leader Lala Lajpat Ray was able to tap into this mass discontent. This was not the case in other movements like in Bengal. The British were able to break the movement's efficacy easily.
Another crucial aspect was the original proponents of Passive Resistance didn't rule out categorically the use of violence. They felt the final result is possible only through armed struggle.
Gandhi who was successfully using non-violent passive resistance in South Africa was the key proponent of this method. He utilised non-violent passive resistance to achieve multiple things, he understood the fundamental domination that the British shared over India was ideological hegemony rather than based on brute force. Gandhi exposed the facade of British benevolence by provoking them to react by breaking laws and willing to suffer punishment. As the Passive resisters in South Africa didn't involve in violent activities they were much more difficult to handle. The dilemma is brilliantly captured in what JC Smuts observes 'You desire victory by self-suffering alone and never transgress your self-imposed limits of courtesy and chivalry. And that is what reduces us to sheer helplessness'.
Gandhi also instilled in the practitioners of Satyagraha a sense of fearlessness.
By making it a mass movement Gandhi made it difficult for the British to crush the movements. Gandhi also as Hardiman captures in the initial movements such as the Rowlatt satyagraha miscalculated the ability of people to not respond violently when brutally suppressed. As violence escalated Gandhi we see pulled back the movement after the Chowri Chowra incident.
Contrary to the usually believed notion that British were comparatively milder hence nonviolent strategy worked against him if it had been used against a much brutal regime it would have been crushed easily. Now there are two responses to it one is that British were, in fact, brutal in suppressing the movement in many places, the brutality that was let loose on the people of Punjab and the Jalianwala Bagh are case in point to it.
Another fundamental fact is British were able to rule India because many Indians believed in the British sense of justice and rule of law. British came to power because they provided an alternative to the lawlessness prevailing that time. Gandhi through his protests exposed this British sense of justice and made people realise their fundamental exploitative rule.
In Bengal, this was launched against the splitting of Bengal into West and East Bengal.
These movements were primarily dominated by urban intelligentsia inspired mainly by various movements in the West. This book captures through the writings of Aurobindo Ghosh who has written about using Passive resistance as a tool to protest against the British. Although Ghosh believed that Passive Resistance to be useful he felt it can support armed struggle against the British. The book also various Passive resistance movements that happened in Europe in this time like the Finish resistance to Russia, Hungarian resistance to Austrian dominance, the Suffragette movement in Britain. These movements, in turn, inspired Indian nationalists to use Passive Resistance to mount pressure on the British government.
These movements fundamentally differed from the later non-violent Gandhian movement referred to as Satyagraha in fundamentally two crucial aspects. They didn't have a popular mass character they were predominantly urban. In places where it was successful like in Punjab, it was because in Punjab the problem had a mass appeal and the nationalist leader Lala Lajpat Ray was able to tap into this mass discontent. This was not the case in other movements like in Bengal. The British were able to break the movement's efficacy easily.
Another crucial aspect was the original proponents of Passive Resistance didn't rule out categorically the use of violence. They felt the final result is possible only through armed struggle.
Gandhi who was successfully using non-violent passive resistance in South Africa was the key proponent of this method. He utilised non-violent passive resistance to achieve multiple things, he understood the fundamental domination that the British shared over India was ideological hegemony rather than based on brute force. Gandhi exposed the facade of British benevolence by provoking them to react by breaking laws and willing to suffer punishment. As the Passive resisters in South Africa didn't involve in violent activities they were much more difficult to handle. The dilemma is brilliantly captured in what JC Smuts observes 'You desire victory by self-suffering alone and never transgress your self-imposed limits of courtesy and chivalry. And that is what reduces us to sheer helplessness'.
Gandhi also instilled in the practitioners of Satyagraha a sense of fearlessness.
By making it a mass movement Gandhi made it difficult for the British to crush the movements. Gandhi also as Hardiman captures in the initial movements such as the Rowlatt satyagraha miscalculated the ability of people to not respond violently when brutally suppressed. As violence escalated Gandhi we see pulled back the movement after the Chowri Chowra incident.
Contrary to the usually believed notion that British were comparatively milder hence nonviolent strategy worked against him if it had been used against a much brutal regime it would have been crushed easily. Now there are two responses to it one is that British were, in fact, brutal in suppressing the movement in many places, the brutality that was let loose on the people of Punjab and the Jalianwala Bagh are case in point to it.
Another fundamental fact is British were able to rule India because many Indians believed in the British sense of justice and rule of law. British came to power because they provided an alternative to the lawlessness prevailing that time. Gandhi through his protests exposed this British sense of justice and made people realise their fundamental exploitative rule.
August 9, 2023
Embark on an extraordinary voyage into the genesis of one of history's most potent forces – non-violent resistance. Step back in time to an era when the seeds of revolution were sown, and the path to freedom was paved with unwavering courage and resilience.
For years, the technique of non-violent resistance has captivated the world, reshaping political landscapes and sparking monumental change. Yet, until now, the definitive history of its genesis in India has remained shrouded in mystery. This book unravels the enigma, bringing to light the evolution of non-violence through formidable challenges and courageous pioneers.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" promises to be an eye-opening exploration of the birth of Satyagraha – a transformative concept that redefined the course of history. Delve into the minds of visionaries who dared to challenge the might of British rule through the profound art of passive resistance.
Through meticulous research and evocative storytelling, David Hardiman presents a comprehensive and authoritative study of how India forged the powerful weapon of non-violent resistance. From its humble beginnings as 'passive resistance' to the momentous evolution of 'satyagraha', the book chronicles a revolutionary journey.
David Hardiman, a distinguished historian and acclaimed author, commands profound expertise in Indian history and the Gandhian movement. His scholarly prowess ensures a gripping narrative that delves deep into the heart of India's struggle for freedom.
Join us as we unravel the untold story of the non-violent struggle, a narrative that celebrates the indomitable spirit of pioneers who shaped the course of nations. Prepare to be inspired by the unyielding dedication and conviction that brought about tectonic shifts in the world order.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" sets a tone of reverence and admiration for those who pioneered the path of non-violent resistance. It offers a lens into the tumultuous era of 1905-19, where ideals clashed with realities, and ordinary individuals ignited extraordinary revolutions.
As the world grapples with the complexities of resistance and peaceful change, this book's relevance transcends time and place. It is a testament to the power of collective action and the transformative potential of non-violent resistance in shaping the course of history.
David Hardiman's immersive storytelling weaves a tapestry of courage, determination, and sacrifice, drawing readers into the very heart of India's struggle for freedom. The vivid depiction of historical events and the profound insights into Satyagraha ensure an immersive and thought-provoking experience.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" is not just a historical account but a profound exploration of human resilience and the pursuit of liberty. As you traverse through the pages of this captivating narrative, you will be left in awe of the power of non-violent resistance to shape destinies and transform nations.
Join us on an enlightening journey through history, where the indomitable spirit of India's freedom struggle comes alive through the prism of non-violent resistance. "The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" is a tribute to the courage and conviction that carved a path to liberty, leaving an indelible mark on humanity's quest for justice and freedom.
For years, the technique of non-violent resistance has captivated the world, reshaping political landscapes and sparking monumental change. Yet, until now, the definitive history of its genesis in India has remained shrouded in mystery. This book unravels the enigma, bringing to light the evolution of non-violence through formidable challenges and courageous pioneers.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" promises to be an eye-opening exploration of the birth of Satyagraha – a transformative concept that redefined the course of history. Delve into the minds of visionaries who dared to challenge the might of British rule through the profound art of passive resistance.
Through meticulous research and evocative storytelling, David Hardiman presents a comprehensive and authoritative study of how India forged the powerful weapon of non-violent resistance. From its humble beginnings as 'passive resistance' to the momentous evolution of 'satyagraha', the book chronicles a revolutionary journey.
David Hardiman, a distinguished historian and acclaimed author, commands profound expertise in Indian history and the Gandhian movement. His scholarly prowess ensures a gripping narrative that delves deep into the heart of India's struggle for freedom.
Join us as we unravel the untold story of the non-violent struggle, a narrative that celebrates the indomitable spirit of pioneers who shaped the course of nations. Prepare to be inspired by the unyielding dedication and conviction that brought about tectonic shifts in the world order.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" sets a tone of reverence and admiration for those who pioneered the path of non-violent resistance. It offers a lens into the tumultuous era of 1905-19, where ideals clashed with realities, and ordinary individuals ignited extraordinary revolutions.
As the world grapples with the complexities of resistance and peaceful change, this book's relevance transcends time and place. It is a testament to the power of collective action and the transformative potential of non-violent resistance in shaping the course of history.
David Hardiman's immersive storytelling weaves a tapestry of courage, determination, and sacrifice, drawing readers into the very heart of India's struggle for freedom. The vivid depiction of historical events and the profound insights into Satyagraha ensure an immersive and thought-provoking experience.
"The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" is not just a historical account but a profound exploration of human resilience and the pursuit of liberty. As you traverse through the pages of this captivating narrative, you will be left in awe of the power of non-violent resistance to shape destinies and transform nations.
Join us on an enlightening journey through history, where the indomitable spirit of India's freedom struggle comes alive through the prism of non-violent resistance. "The Non-violent Struggle for Freedom" is a tribute to the courage and conviction that carved a path to liberty, leaving an indelible mark on humanity's quest for justice and freedom.
June 19, 2020
In-depth analysis of a non-violent struggle.
The book details out the basis of a non-violent struggle,how and why it worked in India.
The book details out the basis of a non-violent struggle,how and why it worked in India.
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