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Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle For Palestine
In June 2007 civil war broke out in the Gaza Strip between two rival Palestinian factions, Hamas and Fatah. Western peace efforts in the region always focused on reconciling two opposing fronts: Israel and Palestine. Now, this careful exploration of Middle East history over the last two decades reveals that the Palestinians have long been a house divided. What began as a political rivalry between Fatah's Yasir Arafat and Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin during the first intifada of 1987 evolved into a full-blown battle on the streets of Gaza between the forces of Arafat's successor, Mahmoud Abbas, and Ismael Haniyeh, one of Yassin's early protégés. Today, the battle continues between these two diametrically opposing forces over the role of Palestinian nationalism and Islamism in the West Bank and Gaza.
In this thought-provoking book, Jonathan Schanzer questions the notion of Palestinian political unity, explaining how internal rivalries and violence have ultimately stymied American efforts to promote Middle East peace, and even the Palestinian quest for a homeland.
In this thought-provoking book, Jonathan Schanzer questions the notion of Palestinian political unity, explaining how internal rivalries and violence have ultimately stymied American efforts to promote Middle East peace, and even the Palestinian quest for a homeland.
239 pages, Hardcover
First published November 11, 2008
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March 2, 2021
So here we are in 2021, and the Palestinian Authority has announced that they're having elections, after 16 years of Abbas' control in the West Bank and 14 years of Hamas' control in Gaza. Most people seem convinced the elections won't happen/ won't be free. How did we get here (and do I miss Politics classes so much that I'm reading these books for fun?)?
Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle For Palestine is a book about the two main factions of the Palestinian political scene: Hamas and Fatah. Thoroughly researched, Schanzer describes the development of both until 2008 which is when the book was published. Unfortunately, not much has changed since then so this book still holds much relevance.
Schanzer writes from the American foreign policy perspective. From my encounters with Palestinians, it's clear that they wouldn't agree with much of his characterizations. As an Israeli, I also felt like his bias was clear but since it's one that's closer to the narrative I grew up with, I'm sure I'm missing insight that Palestinians would have on this. In general, it's fascinating to see how clear it is that this is his bias.
Here's a summary of what I've taken from the book! While much of it was familiar to me, reading it helped me organize a more cohesive and detailed perspective.
So Fatah developed out of Palestinian secular nationalism. In the sixties and seventies, they orchestrated several terror attacks against Israel, notably the murder of the Israeli athletes in Munich's 1972 Olympics. Initially, Fatah refused to recognize Israel or any kind of Jewish claim in the land.
Cue to the 1967 and 1973 war, where the Arab countries attempted to defeat Israel, only to experience severe loss. At the time, the Muslim Brotherhood was gaining traction. Voices supporting Islamization grew and as the secular nationalism did not work, there was a new desire to connect to the Islam.
Israel, in what was clearly a misguided decision, decides to support a small Islamic volunteer organization in the Palestinian territories as they were not actively pursuing terror. They had hoped this organization would present a less violent alternative to Fatah. This is what became Hamas, who ultimately surpassed Fatah in terms of violence.
Fast forward to the intifada. I had known previously that most Palestinian political factions were willing to work together during this time but Schanzer presents the way the intifada allowed Palestinians also to wage war against dissenters and even murder people involved in family feuds.
Here we get into the most interesting element of this history. Fatah were stuck between a rock and a hard place. On one hand, the international community was willing to give them legitimacy and power only if they rejected violence against Israel and were willing to cooperate with it. On the other hand, the Palestinians did not support such moves and therefore, the more Fatah did them, the more Palestinians switched to support Hamas.
This shows an interesting trade-off: support from your own people vs support from the international community. I've never considered how this tension can exist and how Palestinian politics were shaped by it. Do we preach democracy when the people want violence?
So then Oslo happened and as Arafat had positioned himself as the one true Palestinian leader, he essentially was the Palestinian Authority. This leads to the fascinating zigzags of Arafat (and why so few Israelis trusted him). He simultaneously supported terror to stay in power among Palestinians while also cooperating with Israel in order to fight Hamas and other dissenters. Of course, by cooperating with Israel, more Palestinians supported the Hamas since it became an underdog and a voice for the marginalized.
Hamas wielded terrorism as a political tool against Israel and Fatah. Creating terror attacks played into their goals in several ways: Israelis largely ceased supporting peace efforts as terror continued, it led to Israel placing pressure on the PA to get control, and ultimately, when Israel lashed out militarily, the PA infrastructure also got hurt. Of course, the PA's legitimacy in the Palestinian public got hurt every time the PA worked with Israel to fight Hamas which also played a role.
The civil war of 2007 concluded the elections of 2006 (I casually skipped over the Second Intifada here). Before then, Hamas had boycotted the elections but when Arafat died, they decided to participate. Everyone was confident that Fatah would win and yet, Hamas were victorious. Fatah decided to start a coup which resulted in gaining power in the West Bank but losing Gaza. As Hamas developed more terrorist infrastructure, Israel and Egypt began blockading Gaza. I had never heard of the 2008 Gaza-Egypt border breach before reading this and wow, I've never considered how messy Palestinian-Egyptian relations are. This essentially brings us to now.
When you listen to Palestinians and especially foreign pro-Palestine activists, the IDF comes across as a supremely powerful force shooting kids with stones. However, in Schanzer's description, it becomes clear that Palestinian techniques definitely challenged Israel. The build of Hamas made it hard for Israel to know how to fight it. There was a sense of ambiguity in regards to leadership and organization- the line between civil society and military was unclear. Ultimately, while Israeli military might is obviously stronger, it becomes clear that Israeli military battles were not as clear cut as they seem.
This raises an important point as it often feels like Palestinians get dehumanized by Israeli and international peace activists. It's convenient to portray Palestinians as poor victims of Israeli military might. However, this takes away the Palestinian drive that clearly plays a role. In this book, the Palestinian ability to shape their story is prominent- the actions of Palestinian leaders clearly shaped the present and the future.
This, however, brings me to my next point which is that this book is lacking in the information about Palestinians. I understand that Schanzer's focus is the political parties but readers won't be able to clearly understand how those parties reached power. Why were they appealing to Palestinians, in the words of Palestinians? Politics is ultimately about people and I was missing their voices. How did average Palestinians feel about all of this?
As a politics student, I spend a lot of time thinking about how countries can just develop out of nothing and how democratization works. Reading this book made me feel a little hopeless about the Palestinian democracy, in light of the political power of militias. Those who fight for independence cannot be those who later rule the country, at least not as the same organization.
It becomes clear how incapable Hamas and Fatah are at running a government. A militia simply can't transform itself into a functioning government. Beyond that, Schanzer points out that 44% of countries that experience civil war once return to it within five years which is concerning. It is not uncommon to see countries experience coup after coup and well, when the political culture is violent, it takes real effort to change it.
This should concern us, both Israelis and Palestinians. No one wants a failed state. It's also on Israel to figure this out, to think beyond ending the occupation and the blockade and into a future where Palestinian autonomy isn't a dictatorship. It's easy to shrug this away with "it's their fault" but this means nothing when we consider that Palestinian struggles are Israeli struggles. Palestinian instability is Israeli instability.
Some people suggest the Israeli-Palestinian conflict isn't between Israelis and Palestinians but rather between extremists and moderates. I never understood this but reading this book clarified this idea. Both Israel and Fatah worked together to control the Hamas extremism. This raises the idea that if each side worked to curb the extremists within it, this could be solved.
To conclude, this is a good book. It has a very American slant which does shape the narrative. However, I think it serves to understand a specific perspective. It's important to read beyond this perspective even though it's a shame the author didn't try to analyze the situation from more perspectives.
What I'm Taking With Me
- I complain a lot about how Israel is happy to take money from racists and insane Christians but reading this made me realize that Palestinians are chill with taking money from radical Islam (literally Al-Queda) so really, this is not just an Israeli problem.
- Also wow, Hamas was funded by Iran and by diaspora Palestinians, I don't know why this surprised me so much.
- I've got to learn more about all the PLO stuff in other Arab countries like I can't believe Israeli schools don't teach people about Black September.
- The Egyptians didn't really develop Gaza while the Jordanian wanted to annex the West Bank so they developed the West Bank more and therefore, even now, the West Bank has better living conditions.
- Tzipi Livni literally supported NATO taking over Gaza and the PA weren't opposed? This feels like fake news.
- Israel can't relinquish control until Palestinians solve their leadership problems. Palestinians can't solve their leadership problems until Israel steps back. Goddammit.
- The Hamas calling stone-throwing illegal when it's against them but resistance when it's against Israel is beautifully ironic.
-----------------------
This book is so lacking in the perspective of average Palestinians that I ended up with a list of over 25 questions to ask Palestinians and can now promptly go nag everyone I know, as if it isn't exam season. Review to come!
Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle For Palestine is a book about the two main factions of the Palestinian political scene: Hamas and Fatah. Thoroughly researched, Schanzer describes the development of both until 2008 which is when the book was published. Unfortunately, not much has changed since then so this book still holds much relevance.
Schanzer writes from the American foreign policy perspective. From my encounters with Palestinians, it's clear that they wouldn't agree with much of his characterizations. As an Israeli, I also felt like his bias was clear but since it's one that's closer to the narrative I grew up with, I'm sure I'm missing insight that Palestinians would have on this. In general, it's fascinating to see how clear it is that this is his bias.
Here's a summary of what I've taken from the book! While much of it was familiar to me, reading it helped me organize a more cohesive and detailed perspective.
So Fatah developed out of Palestinian secular nationalism. In the sixties and seventies, they orchestrated several terror attacks against Israel, notably the murder of the Israeli athletes in Munich's 1972 Olympics. Initially, Fatah refused to recognize Israel or any kind of Jewish claim in the land.
Cue to the 1967 and 1973 war, where the Arab countries attempted to defeat Israel, only to experience severe loss. At the time, the Muslim Brotherhood was gaining traction. Voices supporting Islamization grew and as the secular nationalism did not work, there was a new desire to connect to the Islam.
Israel, in what was clearly a misguided decision, decides to support a small Islamic volunteer organization in the Palestinian territories as they were not actively pursuing terror. They had hoped this organization would present a less violent alternative to Fatah. This is what became Hamas, who ultimately surpassed Fatah in terms of violence.
Fast forward to the intifada. I had known previously that most Palestinian political factions were willing to work together during this time but Schanzer presents the way the intifada allowed Palestinians also to wage war against dissenters and even murder people involved in family feuds.
Here we get into the most interesting element of this history. Fatah were stuck between a rock and a hard place. On one hand, the international community was willing to give them legitimacy and power only if they rejected violence against Israel and were willing to cooperate with it. On the other hand, the Palestinians did not support such moves and therefore, the more Fatah did them, the more Palestinians switched to support Hamas.
This shows an interesting trade-off: support from your own people vs support from the international community. I've never considered how this tension can exist and how Palestinian politics were shaped by it. Do we preach democracy when the people want violence?
So then Oslo happened and as Arafat had positioned himself as the one true Palestinian leader, he essentially was the Palestinian Authority. This leads to the fascinating zigzags of Arafat (and why so few Israelis trusted him). He simultaneously supported terror to stay in power among Palestinians while also cooperating with Israel in order to fight Hamas and other dissenters. Of course, by cooperating with Israel, more Palestinians supported the Hamas since it became an underdog and a voice for the marginalized.
Hamas wielded terrorism as a political tool against Israel and Fatah. Creating terror attacks played into their goals in several ways: Israelis largely ceased supporting peace efforts as terror continued, it led to Israel placing pressure on the PA to get control, and ultimately, when Israel lashed out militarily, the PA infrastructure also got hurt. Of course, the PA's legitimacy in the Palestinian public got hurt every time the PA worked with Israel to fight Hamas which also played a role.
The civil war of 2007 concluded the elections of 2006 (I casually skipped over the Second Intifada here). Before then, Hamas had boycotted the elections but when Arafat died, they decided to participate. Everyone was confident that Fatah would win and yet, Hamas were victorious. Fatah decided to start a coup which resulted in gaining power in the West Bank but losing Gaza. As Hamas developed more terrorist infrastructure, Israel and Egypt began blockading Gaza. I had never heard of the 2008 Gaza-Egypt border breach before reading this and wow, I've never considered how messy Palestinian-Egyptian relations are. This essentially brings us to now.
When you listen to Palestinians and especially foreign pro-Palestine activists, the IDF comes across as a supremely powerful force shooting kids with stones. However, in Schanzer's description, it becomes clear that Palestinian techniques definitely challenged Israel. The build of Hamas made it hard for Israel to know how to fight it. There was a sense of ambiguity in regards to leadership and organization- the line between civil society and military was unclear. Ultimately, while Israeli military might is obviously stronger, it becomes clear that Israeli military battles were not as clear cut as they seem.
This raises an important point as it often feels like Palestinians get dehumanized by Israeli and international peace activists. It's convenient to portray Palestinians as poor victims of Israeli military might. However, this takes away the Palestinian drive that clearly plays a role. In this book, the Palestinian ability to shape their story is prominent- the actions of Palestinian leaders clearly shaped the present and the future.
This, however, brings me to my next point which is that this book is lacking in the information about Palestinians. I understand that Schanzer's focus is the political parties but readers won't be able to clearly understand how those parties reached power. Why were they appealing to Palestinians, in the words of Palestinians? Politics is ultimately about people and I was missing their voices. How did average Palestinians feel about all of this?
As a politics student, I spend a lot of time thinking about how countries can just develop out of nothing and how democratization works. Reading this book made me feel a little hopeless about the Palestinian democracy, in light of the political power of militias. Those who fight for independence cannot be those who later rule the country, at least not as the same organization.
It becomes clear how incapable Hamas and Fatah are at running a government. A militia simply can't transform itself into a functioning government. Beyond that, Schanzer points out that 44% of countries that experience civil war once return to it within five years which is concerning. It is not uncommon to see countries experience coup after coup and well, when the political culture is violent, it takes real effort to change it.
This should concern us, both Israelis and Palestinians. No one wants a failed state. It's also on Israel to figure this out, to think beyond ending the occupation and the blockade and into a future where Palestinian autonomy isn't a dictatorship. It's easy to shrug this away with "it's their fault" but this means nothing when we consider that Palestinian struggles are Israeli struggles. Palestinian instability is Israeli instability.
Some people suggest the Israeli-Palestinian conflict isn't between Israelis and Palestinians but rather between extremists and moderates. I never understood this but reading this book clarified this idea. Both Israel and Fatah worked together to control the Hamas extremism. This raises the idea that if each side worked to curb the extremists within it, this could be solved.
To conclude, this is a good book. It has a very American slant which does shape the narrative. However, I think it serves to understand a specific perspective. It's important to read beyond this perspective even though it's a shame the author didn't try to analyze the situation from more perspectives.
What I'm Taking With Me
- I complain a lot about how Israel is happy to take money from racists and insane Christians but reading this made me realize that Palestinians are chill with taking money from radical Islam (literally Al-Queda) so really, this is not just an Israeli problem.
- Also wow, Hamas was funded by Iran and by diaspora Palestinians, I don't know why this surprised me so much.
- I've got to learn more about all the PLO stuff in other Arab countries like I can't believe Israeli schools don't teach people about Black September.
- The Egyptians didn't really develop Gaza while the Jordanian wanted to annex the West Bank so they developed the West Bank more and therefore, even now, the West Bank has better living conditions.
- Tzipi Livni literally supported NATO taking over Gaza and the PA weren't opposed? This feels like fake news.
- Israel can't relinquish control until Palestinians solve their leadership problems. Palestinians can't solve their leadership problems until Israel steps back. Goddammit.
- The Hamas calling stone-throwing illegal when it's against them but resistance when it's against Israel is beautifully ironic.
-----------------------
This book is so lacking in the perspective of average Palestinians that I ended up with a list of over 25 questions to ask Palestinians and can now promptly go nag everyone I know, as if it isn't exam season. Review to come!
November 9, 2012
I know Jon so I hesitate criticizing his work in this semi-public forum, so I’m devoted 3000 characters to be fair. First the good: I learned a lot from his account of the Hamas/Fatah split. His narrative is fairly straightforward and avoids (most of the time) the distressful polemics that mar Israel/Palestine books of the left and the right. Tracing the tensions between these two factions—both with major flaws and few heroic figures—he’s assembled some interesting material and set out the split with reasonable accuracy—at least as far as the English sources allow. This analysis is meant to inform policymakers, of course. The less good: Pipes’ forward is an example of bitter pro-Israel commentary laced with malice; Jon’s book is much more sober. Both, however, allude to strawmen. Who are these academics apologists for Hamas and its illiberal worldview? I’ve never met them; though I’ve met Pal-Americans who are sympathetic to Hamas for the same reasons people vote Republican even if they don’t agree with things on the “Republican agenda” or in their Party Platform. Finally, my big disagreements: there’s not a lick of sympathy for the conditions that have led to Palestinians to this nasty situation. Though we’re only talking about the big ticket conflicts between the major Palestinian parties, we’ve scratched the surface here about the complexity of the Palestinian people; yet the book asserts in the conclusion that “Palestinian culture remains violent” as if there is no larger context like dispossession, colonization and occupation, understandable reasons to be violent and legit grievances. Can peacemaking move forward during this Hamas/Fatah split? Jon seems to say no, they have to get their act together first. Yet whenever Fatah and Hamas attempt to negotiate a unity government, Fatah is condemned, accused of pulling off their moderate mask and revealing their inner anti-Semite. How can we negotiate with terrorist and those in coalitions with terrorists? Which will it be? What is left unsaid is that Israel missed numerous opportunities to cultivate moderate Palestinian nationalists in the 70s and 80s; instead it jailed, killed and banished moderates. Hamas, besides being aided in its early years by Israel (as Jon notes) was successful because no Palestinian national movement was allowed to be successful. Israel thought it could suppress Palestinian Nationalism and Hamas is what results. Nonviolent movements within Palestine are also regularly suppressed by force; damned if they do, damned if they don’t. Jon and I both have lost Israeli friends and acquaintances to Hamas terror. I also have Palestinian friends who have experienced the boot side of Israeli occupation, losing family, friends and property to Israel. I pray a democratic faction gains strength among the PLOniks; I fear that the demoralized and disempowered Palestinians are, however, beyond seeing democracy and peace as anything more than power plays. In the end, Jon is very sharp and followers of the conflict would do well to take his book--and the narrative he's telling--seriously.
July 23, 2016
This is basically Israeli propaganda and has little to nothing to do with reality. The books only purpose is to paint both Fatah and Hamas as devils and Israel as a saint in the background trying to save them.
August 21, 2018
Inner Conflicts
The rivalry and subsequent division of the West Bank and Gaza between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, is a significant but often glossed over roadblock, yet it has profound implications for understanding regional politics and the internal failure for the Palestinians to achieve hoped for democratic norms. In other words - they're killing and oppressing each other, both governments are corrupt and nobody gives a s**t. The democratic deficit is appalling. Not as bad as the present situation in Syria or political oppression in Iran, but well within the ME average.
Schanzer's book focuses on largely on the implications of factionalism which is based on a mix of hamullah (clan), family, regional, organizational and religious differences. Hamas over the years has received a great deal of its funding from the Shia state of Iran, which irritates the local Sunni
community as well as inviting distrust from Egypt, Wahabist Saudi Arabia and the GCC, keeping in mind that these three are wary of each other as well.
Whereas the PA which also had a history with Iran, chose to emphasize its relationship with Iraq, whose conflicts with Iran and the Gulf States strained relationships with the KSA, the Gulf States (and therefore Jordan) and the West. Hamas has also flirted with Al Queda, for example sending operatives to training camps in Afghanistan. At the Nared al-Baradi UNRA camp in 2007 the purported infiltration of AQ gave rise to a clash using tanks with the Lebanese army leaving dozens dead and many more wounded. Schanzer feels that there is little chance that Hamas would allow an external rival such as Al Queda would be allowed to usurp the in Gaza even though the groups share similar goals and approaches. I was suprised to learn that one of the founders of AQ, killed in Pakistan in 1989, was a west bank member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Abdullah Azzam, who also was one of the founders of Hamas - had he lived there might have been more concern about cooperation. AQ's goals are regional and grievances span centuries; Hamas is more focussed on the local struggle with Israel. Everyone has their own set of interests - there are always more than two sides.
The book did not contain everything I would have liked, and improvements would have been a look at other actors such as the Bedouin of the Sinai who have been instrumental in smuggling arms, the role of UNRWA both as an enabler and moderator, exploration of the Syrian and Sudanese connection to Hamas as well as the business class in both territories. The discussion of the various clans could have used more depth. Completed in late 2008 just before the start of Operation Cast Lead, it's just a bit dated in terms of current events but still serves as good grounding of where we are at today as, aside from various "unity meetings", the two sides appear as far apart now as they were then.
Now consider the implications of Egypt run by the Muslim Brotherhood, which leans towards Hamas.
An informative read. Recommended.
The rivalry and subsequent division of the West Bank and Gaza between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, is a significant but often glossed over roadblock, yet it has profound implications for understanding regional politics and the internal failure for the Palestinians to achieve hoped for democratic norms. In other words - they're killing and oppressing each other, both governments are corrupt and nobody gives a s**t. The democratic deficit is appalling. Not as bad as the present situation in Syria or political oppression in Iran, but well within the ME average.
Schanzer's book focuses on largely on the implications of factionalism which is based on a mix of hamullah (clan), family, regional, organizational and religious differences. Hamas over the years has received a great deal of its funding from the Shia state of Iran, which irritates the local Sunni
community as well as inviting distrust from Egypt, Wahabist Saudi Arabia and the GCC, keeping in mind that these three are wary of each other as well.
Whereas the PA which also had a history with Iran, chose to emphasize its relationship with Iraq, whose conflicts with Iran and the Gulf States strained relationships with the KSA, the Gulf States (and therefore Jordan) and the West. Hamas has also flirted with Al Queda, for example sending operatives to training camps in Afghanistan. At the Nared al-Baradi UNRA camp in 2007 the purported infiltration of AQ gave rise to a clash using tanks with the Lebanese army leaving dozens dead and many more wounded. Schanzer feels that there is little chance that Hamas would allow an external rival such as Al Queda would be allowed to usurp the in Gaza even though the groups share similar goals and approaches. I was suprised to learn that one of the founders of AQ, killed in Pakistan in 1989, was a west bank member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Abdullah Azzam, who also was one of the founders of Hamas - had he lived there might have been more concern about cooperation. AQ's goals are regional and grievances span centuries; Hamas is more focussed on the local struggle with Israel. Everyone has their own set of interests - there are always more than two sides.
The book did not contain everything I would have liked, and improvements would have been a look at other actors such as the Bedouin of the Sinai who have been instrumental in smuggling arms, the role of UNRWA both as an enabler and moderator, exploration of the Syrian and Sudanese connection to Hamas as well as the business class in both territories. The discussion of the various clans could have used more depth. Completed in late 2008 just before the start of Operation Cast Lead, it's just a bit dated in terms of current events but still serves as good grounding of where we are at today as, aside from various "unity meetings", the two sides appear as far apart now as they were then.
Now consider the implications of Egypt run by the Muslim Brotherhood, which leans towards Hamas.
An informative read. Recommended.
September 20, 2018
This book really hooked me in from the start making it hard for me to put down. It covers a really interesting topic that is severely under covered. It gives a lot insight into another dimension of the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the dimension being the internal Palestinian conflict. Read it it’ll add another dimension to understanding the I/P conflict. My only complaint is that he brings up concepts of a wider regional divide between the West Bank and Gaza Strip but he never really delves into it as deep as it should have been.
November 2, 2021
A valuable history of the struggle for Palestine.
April 24, 2009
Formerly a Counter-terrorism Analyst for the U.S. Department of Treasury, Jonathan Schanzer leverages his background to produce a detailed account of the “struggle” for Palestine, between its two most prominent factions. This is a picture of the history and current interactions of the Palestinian movement and how Palestinian citizens are as much a victim of Hamas and Fatah as are the citizens of Israel.
While the mainstream media tells us that these two political entities exist within overall Palestine, Schanzer takes us behind the scenes of the background and origins of both Fatah and Hamas. He sharply illustrates that there is anything but unity between these two political factions in their common effort to produce an independent Palestinian state. The book is extremely well researched, using a large number of publicly available information sources, to weave a comprehensive tapestry of the story of the Palestinian “resistance”.
What becomes abundantly clear is that the violence between the Palestinians and Israel is a mirror to the violence between Hamas and Fatah, as each faction continues to vie for control over the Palestinian people, the hearts and minds (and money) of the world’s governments, and the spotlight in the international press. Schanzer also shines a light into the shadows and at the involvement of Al Queda, Hezbollah, and Iran in the affairs of Hamas in particular, and how or if they are able to influence Palestinian terrorism against Israel.
.....
This book should be required reading for anyone interested in the dynamics of the Middle East and the fate of the Holy Land. Ultimately though, all the reader can do is “pray for the peace of Jerusalem” and long for the days of Messiah, when the long, bloody conflict will finally come to an end.
My longer review can be found here: http://shema-yisrael.org/blogspot/200...
While the mainstream media tells us that these two political entities exist within overall Palestine, Schanzer takes us behind the scenes of the background and origins of both Fatah and Hamas. He sharply illustrates that there is anything but unity between these two political factions in their common effort to produce an independent Palestinian state. The book is extremely well researched, using a large number of publicly available information sources, to weave a comprehensive tapestry of the story of the Palestinian “resistance”.
What becomes abundantly clear is that the violence between the Palestinians and Israel is a mirror to the violence between Hamas and Fatah, as each faction continues to vie for control over the Palestinian people, the hearts and minds (and money) of the world’s governments, and the spotlight in the international press. Schanzer also shines a light into the shadows and at the involvement of Al Queda, Hezbollah, and Iran in the affairs of Hamas in particular, and how or if they are able to influence Palestinian terrorism against Israel.
.....
This book should be required reading for anyone interested in the dynamics of the Middle East and the fate of the Holy Land. Ultimately though, all the reader can do is “pray for the peace of Jerusalem” and long for the days of Messiah, when the long, bloody conflict will finally come to an end.
My longer review can be found here: http://shema-yisrael.org/blogspot/200...
July 8, 2013
A must read for anyone interested in the Israeli - Palestinian conflict. This gives a detailed history of these two factions in Palestinian society. It gives a clear history and outline of their differences, as well as, why some see them as no different from each other.
November 26, 2008
I can't be completely honest here, as I've known Jon a long time. However, his approach to the long-standing conflagrations in the Middle East are compelling, to say the least.
January 29, 2017
Love it when a book has impact. This one changed my worldview. Palestinian internal conflict underreported in the US - and well detailed here. Highly recommended.
Displaying 1 - 10 of 10 reviews