"In 1976, at the age of sixty, black feminist radical Florynce "Flo" Kennedy stood at a podium in front of college students wearing her signature uniform--a cowboy hat and a T-shirt that read 'Year of the Woman!,' her fingernails painted bright red--bellowing numerous curse words to punctuate her point that for all oppressed people, power rested in their ability to protest individually, collectively, and in inclusive coalitions. 'My main message is that we have a pathologically, institutionally racist, sexist, classist society. And that niggerizing techniques that are used don't only damage black people, but they also damage women, gay people, ex-prison inmates, prostitutes, children, old people, handicapped people, Native Americans. And that if we can begin to analyze the pathology of oppression...we would learn a lot about how to deal with it.' Kennedy understood that despite the various institutionalized forms of 'racist, sexist, classist,' and imperialist oppression they suffered, they were ultimately more powerful than the forces aligned against them. If larger and larger numbers of people realized that their exploitation was inextricably linked, she reasoned, they would eventually engage in the radical process of revolutionary change by creating broad-based political alliances. Through an activist career spanning more than fifty years, Kennedy targeted the interconnections among racism, sexism, homophobia, ableism, and various other forms of oppression" (1).
"She was a bridge builder within these movements, demanding that the women's movement partner squarely with Black Power and continue to participate in anti-war struggles. Kennedy welcomed the prospect that women could unite to end sexism. It never occorred to her, however, that a women's movement would not also fight against racism and imperialism. These battles, for Kennedy, were profoundly interconnected; she later declared that for the Black Power and women's movements, 'the enemies are the same.' To Kennedy's way of thinking, the two movements were logical allies that should work in coalition and avoid what she termed 'horizontal hostility'" (101).
"Later, she suggested that others utilize the strategy of offering ideas even when they knew they would be scorned or dismissed. 'The idea is just not to sit still in the boat. But, rock it ... make your feelings known'" (114).
"Flo thought that whites who had had little direct contact with black people needed to understand the depths of the injuries that had been done to black women and men and the power of their anger. 'What [white] people don't want to admit,' she explained, 'is that they are receivers of stolen property and being receivers of stolen property they should not be surprised that they are not loved.' Moreover she argued that whites should realize that black people could decide whether and where whites were allowed in black-controlled spaces, rather than only vice versa, as was the ase under segregation" (118).
"Like other black radicals such as Ella Baker and W.E.B. Du Bois, Kennedy reasoned that racism affected every major social problem in the United States, especially the oppression of women. By 1967 Kennedy was using the term 'niggerizing' as a synonym for oppression, a rhetorical strategy intended to force others to understand how the racist techniques developed against blacks could be deployed against all oppressed people" (119).
"While Kennedy privileged black movements and emphasized racial oppression, she stressed that it was still necessary to challenge all forms of oppression because, as she later put it, they all 'hurt like crazy.' In her opinion the only way to overthrow a particular form of exploitation successfully and permanently was to conquer all forms of exploitation" (119).
Of the Colgate Palmolive boycott and picket: "Some members feared that the picket and boycott were too extreme and that they might be arrested or even shot. Kennedy helped to assuage their fears by describing how picketing could be an 'exciting' way to challenge discrimination against women [...] 'I can't understand why a person would rather go on a ski slope than a picket line because I think a picket line just happens to be more fun, and the fact that it is politically astute is just a bonus'. She also understood that 'the best way to recruit is to be having fun...[Other] people like to be dreary. I try to be as undreary as I can be'. Moreover, Kennedy hoped to make fighting for justice irresistibly pleasurable to organizers by emphasizing every moment of joy and humor that could be found in working together and defying an enemy" (153).
"Kennedy's example shows how humor is closely tied to charismatic leadership.It should come as no surprise that some of the most alluring and charismatic leaders of the twentieth century--Malcolm X, Stokeley Carmichael, and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.--knew how to deliver a punch line" (155).
"Kennedy encouraged white women students to create an alliance with people of color and to seize political power in their college towns and cities. She wanted students to understand their power not only within but also beyond their campus. 'Run for office,' she would yell; 'do anything to get the needs known. Let's not let this country fall apart under us.' Kennedy reminded radical students who tended to think of the nation-state as the enemy and therefore scorned the idea of running for political office that the welfare of masses of people like them and those they cared about depended on changing public policy. Understanding the relationship between power and resistance in the United States, Kennedy argued that oppressed people and especially all women 'have at least three kinds of power. Dollar power, to boycott with; vote power, to take over structures with, and maybe even get somebody elected; and body power, to get out and support our friends and make a damned nuisance of ourselves with everybody else" (188).
Of Shirley Chisholm's campaign for president "Indeed, the campaign made a place for a black feminist message in the national political dialogue. Later, commenting on similar feminist goals that at the outset seemed impossible to achieve, Kennedy explained, 'I don't care whether we lose or win. The struggle is what's important" (203).
"I keep thinking of Flo Kennedy saying about her testicular reach, that if anything is near enough to reach you, then you are just as near to it" (219).
"Her experience as a lawyer, however, had taught her that focusing on the law was a slow, 'one-ass-at-a-time proposition' with limited opportunities for making significant gains when 'what we have to do is stop the wringer'. Kennedy had found that for most black people, the poor, and women, the courts were the last place to seek justice. 'The practice of law in this system has nothing to do with justice! ... If there's a case where the Establishment has an interest, forget it.' IN organizing street theater actions and creating numerous organizations, Kennedy moved beyond the courts to challenge discrimination and affirm a black feminist praxis" (224).