WALK SOFTLY AND CARRY A BIG STICK
Morris places this African proverb at Roosevelt's feet in this second volume of the biography, and aptly so. President Roosevelt, who began using the phrase just before entering the White House, turned it into his mantra and he shifted the view of the United States, both within the borders of its territory and amongst the international community.
The ongoing expansion of my knowledge of historical figures has me tackling the presidential period of Roosevelt's life, two terms so full of information and international saga that it is hard to have compacted them into a single book. Morris again uses extensive research to lay out strong narratives and to examine some of the key themes throughout, drawing threads related to many happenings in Roosevelt's presidency. Leading the narrative through these themes--American race relations, forging the American superpower persona, and carving out strong national sustaining policies--Morris depicts Roosevelt as both a man eager to make a name for his country and to push it into the 20th century, prepared to face any challenge.
The second volume, reviewed here, encompasses the presidential life of Theodore Roosevelt from 1901 through to 1909. Morris begins the narrative with a wonderful bridging of Roosevelt's vice-presidential period, a mere six months, and the announcement of McKinley's assassination, thrusting him into the role of POTUS. Early in his presidency, Roosevelt began to tackle the issue of race relations within the United States. At times subtly, Morris ensures the reader is aware that many of the politicians who surround themselves with Roosevelt (party leaders, senators, stalwarts) might have fought in the Civil War or remembered its passionate division. Roosevelt was, therefore, enveloped by opinion on the matter, whether he liked it or not. Early meetings with the likes of Booker Washington led to scandalous press reports and strongly worded criticisms of the president. While lynchings were not yet unheard of, Roosevelt moved forward to forge strong race relations, primarily between the African American population [please excuse any misuse of proper race titles] and their white counterparts. Roosevelt sought to push ahead and nominate many African Americans to positions of authority in their respective states, in hopes of diminishing the animosity. This did, for lack of a better word, add kindling to the fire and saw the states lash out and segments of the Republican Party to threaten his re-election should he not stop. I could not help but think of Robert Caro's third (?) volume of his LBJ biography, when the Senate Majority Leader sought to forge ahead with racial integration laws, fighting a powerful Democratic south in the Senate, where LBJ would not let up and kept pushing for race relations into his time as president. The parallel that came to mind was that, when push came to shove, Roosevelt would not push. He chose to go only as far as he could to help, but not far enough to sacrifice his own success. Morris's illustration of early race relations moved on to tackle the Cuban population (as he was front and centre in the Spanish-American War), Japanese workers either detained or forced to leave the country, and even a small mention of the aboriginal population of the western states, some of whom wandered into the Union. Morris does not paint Roosevelt as the saviour of the races, stitching together the quilt of equality, but he did lay some groundwork to begin these discussions, a foundation on which LBJ surely forged his groundbreaking strategies sixty years later.
Morris also explores the birth of the United States as a superpower, a newly coined phrase at the time. While European powers had dominated for centuries and the Ottoman Empire was still holding on, America came out of its Civil War battered and bruised, unsure of how and where it wanted to go. Pushing the Spanish back to 'free' Cuba and the Philippines, Roosevelt and the United States (he was still not in the White House at this point) began to show the American desire to cut the shackles of the 'oppressed' and to free them into the land of democratic freedom (call it the Dubya way of thinking, where 'democracy is the only thing a state wants on the menu, no matter its insistence that they are fine). As Roosevelt and his numerous congresses moved ahead to create a canal for use in the Western Hemisphere, the debate between one in Nicaragua or Panama (part of Columbia at the time) became prevalent. Here, Roosevelt let his congressional leaders choose the locale and focus on which made the most sense. After choosing Panama, it became a drawn-out negotiated affair to not only enter into treaty negotiations with the Columbians, but also to ensure the space could be paid for without issue. After negotiations entered rocky terms and with Panamanians wishing to toss off the shackles of their oppressors (Panama being a state of Columbia for a while), Roosevelt stood by and prayed that America would be able to forge a deal with the eventual victors in this quasi-civil war. Doing so, he created the Panama Canal, with its 99 year lease, and placed America on the map. His largest claim to fame on the superpower front would have to be engineering the final peace armistice between Russia and Japan in their war over what I am led to believe was the Korean Peninsula (pardon me if I am confused, as audio books can sometimes drone on in sections and flipping back requires overly dextrous fingers of which I do not possess). Earning the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts, Roosevelt and America showed that they were ready to enter the international theatre as the newly minted leaders they eventually came to be. This lasted for upwards of a century, until the George W Bush gaffes led many to realise superpowers turn despotic with age (a la Britain and the Ottomans).
Morris's third theme is highly intriguing to readers who've made the effort to read both volumes of the biography. While a young Roosevelt was always interested in understanding all that grew or developed around him, Morris comes full circle in accentuating the passion Roosevelt felt towards conservation and natural resource development. Known by some as the Father of American Conservation policy, Roosevelt forged into the policy wilderness to create National Park policy and legislation that stands even today. Taking his love for flora and fauna, Roosevelt ensured it could be enjoyed by all for decades to come, and did so in a way that accentuated the various parts of the United States. Inter-state commerce surely rose because of this, as did the allure of the United States to the outside world. While not on the same plane, Roosevelt's involvement in the coal mine disputes in Pennsylvania sought to formulate strong policy on union and natural resource policy by the White House. Labour disputes had not regularly been the business of the president, but Roosevelt made it his business, with a desire to strengthen America in a time when political tensions helped pull strong states apart. Morris's keen means by which he draws this parallel is quite useful and poignant to the perceptive reader.
It is worth noting that the volume is not equally divided between the two administrations. One who reads the volume with a passing glance would see the time and effort put into the first administration and how, even for the listener, the second administration passes as swiftly as a ride on a roller-coaster. While brevity may be an unfortunate occurrence in the second part of the book, its content is no less interesting, as Roosevelt wrestles with his coming major decision about seeking a third term or not. While this is surely a thought shared by his fifth cousin, eventually, Theodore chooses not to seek his party's nomination and his last six months in office leave him introspective and wondering about life after the White House. A man not yet a half century old, Morris paints Roosevelt as a man full of vigour and ready for another fight. The perfect segue into the final volume of the Theodore Roosevelt biography.
As the Roosevelt journey continues, kudos continue for Mr. Morris. An excellent depiction of the White House years of a very quirky and intuitive man.