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躁動的新疆, 不安的維吾爾
「他們」，
被迫成為「中國人」。
◎「新疆」，如何「被」成為「中國」的一部分？
地圖上的「新疆」，意思其實是「新的疆域」。是什麼時候新增的疆域？又是怎麼來的？她的另一個名字：「東突厥斯坦」，為什麼在中國是個禁忌？
事實上，要談新疆問題──不管是發生在新疆的各種暴力事件，或是疆獨問題、甚至是新疆的認同問題，都應該從「新疆」這個名字開始。這個宗教、文字與信仰都與普遍認定的「中國」大不相同的地方，從什麼時候、以什麼樣的方式開始，「被」成為「中國」的一部分？而又是什麼樣的契機，讓這個「新的疆域」走向分歧與動亂之路？
本書作者尼克・霍史達克（Nick Holdstock）在新疆遊歷十五年之久，可說親自見證在既存的文化差異下，中國政府如何親手製造出極端主義者，以及造成如今新疆本地的動盪，以及與內地漢人的衝突與歧見。
◎中國如何親手製造出極端主義份子？
居住在新疆的維吾爾人，其實不管是在文化、宗教與語言上都與中國內地的漢人有不容忽視的差異。在這樣的差異下，不論是在交流或溝通上都難免會產生齟齬。然而，面對這樣的差異，中國政府卻是以「同化」為前提，企圖達到「維穩」的效果。
因此，即使中國政府一再強調對維吾爾人的照顧，但霍史達克仍觀察到中國政府抹去維吾爾民族色彩的軌跡。文化大革命時，紅衛兵強迫穆斯林羞辱自己的宗教──包括把豬養在聖陵內。他們破壞清真寺，燒毀古蘭經。改革開放後，中國表面上大力保護穆斯林的文化，但在「去維吾爾」化的腳步卻越來越快；包括大量移入漢人、透過義務教育漸次以漢語取代維吾爾語。後者被看做是從根本抹去維族文化的手段之一；而在結合前者，讓漢人勢力在新疆逐漸站到經濟上的優勢後，許多的維吾爾年輕人因為無法在家鄉享受到經濟成長的果實，只好離開故鄉到中國內地謀生。而在投入一個陌生環境後必須面對的劣勢，則讓一部分人淪為中國內地人民口中的「維族小偷」、「新疆團夥」，甚至成為一個族群印記。
霍史達克在書中詳細描述：中國為了統治與維持局勢穩定而採行的多項政策如何造成衝突，這些衝突又如何演化為民怨；中國政府因此加強對新疆的諸多管制，這些管制則同步激化民怨。而在連番衝突下，漢人與維吾爾人如何走向彼此分岐與仇視之路；這些衝突、憤怒與仇視在日後成為極端主義者的溫床，也可說是一部分維吾爾人從被壓迫的少數民族，轉變為極端主義者的起點。
◎中國的新疆政策，該是台灣的借鏡嗎？
早在胡耀邦時期，中國便因為土耳其的插手而恐懼「將新疆拱手讓給土耳其」；而維吾爾的極端主義者多次引發的動亂，不但讓中國政府派重兵進駐新疆，更讓中國政府與美國站在同一陣線，將東突厥斯坦伊斯蘭運動視作恐怖組織。在這樣的前提下，針對維吾爾人對政治上的不公所採取的反擊──即使是社會案件──中國政府的因應之道是：更加強對新疆的管制。
中國從來沒有緩解像這樣衝突、民怨與分歧的機會嗎？胡耀邦曾經想為此努力過，卻被指稱為賣國。對「新疆可能獨立」與「外國勢力可能進入新疆」的恐懼，讓中國採取最激烈的統治手段。未來會有好轉的機會嗎？對此，在新疆遊歷了十五年的霍史達克並沒有抱太大的希望。他對此抱持悲觀的理由，或許也該是台灣的借鏡。
被迫成為「中國人」。
◎「新疆」，如何「被」成為「中國」的一部分？
地圖上的「新疆」，意思其實是「新的疆域」。是什麼時候新增的疆域？又是怎麼來的？她的另一個名字：「東突厥斯坦」，為什麼在中國是個禁忌？
事實上，要談新疆問題──不管是發生在新疆的各種暴力事件，或是疆獨問題、甚至是新疆的認同問題，都應該從「新疆」這個名字開始。這個宗教、文字與信仰都與普遍認定的「中國」大不相同的地方，從什麼時候、以什麼樣的方式開始，「被」成為「中國」的一部分？而又是什麼樣的契機，讓這個「新的疆域」走向分歧與動亂之路？
本書作者尼克・霍史達克（Nick Holdstock）在新疆遊歷十五年之久，可說親自見證在既存的文化差異下，中國政府如何親手製造出極端主義者，以及造成如今新疆本地的動盪，以及與內地漢人的衝突與歧見。
◎中國如何親手製造出極端主義份子？
居住在新疆的維吾爾人，其實不管是在文化、宗教與語言上都與中國內地的漢人有不容忽視的差異。在這樣的差異下，不論是在交流或溝通上都難免會產生齟齬。然而，面對這樣的差異，中國政府卻是以「同化」為前提，企圖達到「維穩」的效果。
因此，即使中國政府一再強調對維吾爾人的照顧，但霍史達克仍觀察到中國政府抹去維吾爾民族色彩的軌跡。文化大革命時，紅衛兵強迫穆斯林羞辱自己的宗教──包括把豬養在聖陵內。他們破壞清真寺，燒毀古蘭經。改革開放後，中國表面上大力保護穆斯林的文化，但在「去維吾爾」化的腳步卻越來越快；包括大量移入漢人、透過義務教育漸次以漢語取代維吾爾語。後者被看做是從根本抹去維族文化的手段之一；而在結合前者，讓漢人勢力在新疆逐漸站到經濟上的優勢後，許多的維吾爾年輕人因為無法在家鄉享受到經濟成長的果實，只好離開故鄉到中國內地謀生。而在投入一個陌生環境後必須面對的劣勢，則讓一部分人淪為中國內地人民口中的「維族小偷」、「新疆團夥」，甚至成為一個族群印記。
霍史達克在書中詳細描述：中國為了統治與維持局勢穩定而採行的多項政策如何造成衝突，這些衝突又如何演化為民怨；中國政府因此加強對新疆的諸多管制，這些管制則同步激化民怨。而在連番衝突下，漢人與維吾爾人如何走向彼此分岐與仇視之路；這些衝突、憤怒與仇視在日後成為極端主義者的溫床，也可說是一部分維吾爾人從被壓迫的少數民族，轉變為極端主義者的起點。
◎中國的新疆政策，該是台灣的借鏡嗎？
早在胡耀邦時期，中國便因為土耳其的插手而恐懼「將新疆拱手讓給土耳其」；而維吾爾的極端主義者多次引發的動亂，不但讓中國政府派重兵進駐新疆，更讓中國政府與美國站在同一陣線，將東突厥斯坦伊斯蘭運動視作恐怖組織。在這樣的前提下，針對維吾爾人對政治上的不公所採取的反擊──即使是社會案件──中國政府的因應之道是：更加強對新疆的管制。
中國從來沒有緩解像這樣衝突、民怨與分歧的機會嗎？胡耀邦曾經想為此努力過，卻被指稱為賣國。對「新疆可能獨立」與「外國勢力可能進入新疆」的恐懼，讓中國採取最激烈的統治手段。未來會有好轉的機會嗎？對此，在新疆遊歷了十五年的霍史達克並沒有抱太大的希望。他對此抱持悲觀的理由，或許也該是台灣的借鏡。
448 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2015
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298 people want to read
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Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews
January 22, 2020
The title made me defensive at first but it is a good and fairly balanced overview of the events and policies that have led to the current predicament Uyghurs are facing (ie concentration camps). The afterword at the end of this edition gives an update to the decidedly optimistic note he had previously ended the book on, noting its naivety. It's a good book for anyone who seriously wants to learn more about Uyghur politics
July 14, 2015
Thanks to netgalley for an advanced reading copy of this book, unfortunately i found this quite hard going and uninteresting. China itself is a fascinating subject and i bad high hopes for this book but soon found myself confused by its overuse of unexplained acronyms and overly technical descriptions, to market itself as a popular factual book it really needs more stories about the actual people of the region.
September 18, 2019
This book is a fantastic resource for information on what is going currently in Xinjiang (not only the book itself but the very through "Sources and Recommended Reading" at the end). Rather than getting into specifics about what *is* going on, I'm going to talk about what I liked about how the book was presented.
Firstly, the book has both a 2015 Edition and a 2019 Edition. In the 2015 Edition, the book opens up with a graphic, first-hand account of the terrorist attack by Uighurs of the Kunming train station in March 2014, in which dozens of Chinese civilians were stabbed to death. I like this because it demonstrates that the author isn't trying to present the Uighurs as blameless - if anything, starting off the book in this way would tend to bias people *against* Uighurs.
The 2015 edition, however, was released before the Xinjiang re-education camps became known. In the 2019 Edition, the book now opens up with a first-hand account of being taken in the night and forcibly put into one of these camps. This is then followed immediately by the account of the attack on the railway station as in the 2015 Edition. I think it's critical to have both of these - with only the first, the author could be accused of sensationalizing in favour of the Uigher position. I also was also very pleased that these first-person accounts were not simply presented without evidence - detailed sources are given for each in the back of the book.
I've had a lot of difficulties learning anything of substance about Xinjiang, and this book fills a major gap. The book starts with the history of the region including how it came to be incorporated in the Qing empire, followed by the Uighur experience under communist rule. The author describes a feedback loop where repressive government policy (restricting Uigher freedoms, religious or otherwise, as well as widening the wealth gap between Han Chinese and Uighurs) coupled with non-government racism by individual Han Chinese leads to Uighur discontent, which leads to protests and violence, which in turn leads to even more repressive government policies and deeper racial tension. The present situation is the result of this feedback loop circulating unchecked for decades, before finally spiralling completely out of control (unless one views the present solution of re-education camps as an ok situation in which things are under control).
One thing that is interesting is that the bulk of the book was written before the crisis entered its present stage. Originally, in the 2015 Edition, the author had attempted to end the book on an upbeat note by talking about how various young Uighur are trying to resist communist rule peacefully through music (much of it in English, in order to reach a wider audience). The 2019 Edition ends with a new final chapter noting that most of these musicians have since been arrested or disappeared.
One final comment is that while there were several places in the book where I found the authors logic to be shakey, because he began each argument by first laying out his evidence in these cases I was able to disagree with his conclusion while still finding the evidence presented useful.
Firstly, the book has both a 2015 Edition and a 2019 Edition. In the 2015 Edition, the book opens up with a graphic, first-hand account of the terrorist attack by Uighurs of the Kunming train station in March 2014, in which dozens of Chinese civilians were stabbed to death. I like this because it demonstrates that the author isn't trying to present the Uighurs as blameless - if anything, starting off the book in this way would tend to bias people *against* Uighurs.
The 2015 edition, however, was released before the Xinjiang re-education camps became known. In the 2019 Edition, the book now opens up with a first-hand account of being taken in the night and forcibly put into one of these camps. This is then followed immediately by the account of the attack on the railway station as in the 2015 Edition. I think it's critical to have both of these - with only the first, the author could be accused of sensationalizing in favour of the Uigher position. I also was also very pleased that these first-person accounts were not simply presented without evidence - detailed sources are given for each in the back of the book.
I've had a lot of difficulties learning anything of substance about Xinjiang, and this book fills a major gap. The book starts with the history of the region including how it came to be incorporated in the Qing empire, followed by the Uighur experience under communist rule. The author describes a feedback loop where repressive government policy (restricting Uigher freedoms, religious or otherwise, as well as widening the wealth gap between Han Chinese and Uighurs) coupled with non-government racism by individual Han Chinese leads to Uighur discontent, which leads to protests and violence, which in turn leads to even more repressive government policies and deeper racial tension. The present situation is the result of this feedback loop circulating unchecked for decades, before finally spiralling completely out of control (unless one views the present solution of re-education camps as an ok situation in which things are under control).
One thing that is interesting is that the bulk of the book was written before the crisis entered its present stage. Originally, in the 2015 Edition, the author had attempted to end the book on an upbeat note by talking about how various young Uighur are trying to resist communist rule peacefully through music (much of it in English, in order to reach a wider audience). The 2019 Edition ends with a new final chapter noting that most of these musicians have since been arrested or disappeared.
One final comment is that while there were several places in the book where I found the authors logic to be shakey, because he began each argument by first laying out his evidence in these cases I was able to disagree with his conclusion while still finding the evidence presented useful.
April 8, 2021
not review but justapose:
2015 Nick Holdstock's book published(2018中譯本出版)
The last paragraph of the book:
"Yet though a small number of Uyghurs may have concluded that there is no other way to resist except violence, musicians like Berna, Ablajan, Six City and Perhat all serve as examples of another way. They are representative of many young, city-dwelling, Chinese-speaking Uyghurs who are forging a different kind of Uyghur identity, one that may be able to negotiate the pressures, constraints and contradictions of life in contemporary China (not all of which relate to being an ethnic minority). While embracing global culture, and looking outwards, some also retain a sense of their history and culture, and are struggling to ensure these remain both vital and relevant."
2021
http://cppc1989.blogspot.com/2019/02/...
Holdstock is prudent refrained from any one-sided conclusion, but his expected outcome hope to reach by 'different tune' was still frustrated by the totalitarian system's subjective will that made 'perfect bomb' possible.
2015 Nick Holdstock's book published(2018中譯本出版)
The last paragraph of the book:
"Yet though a small number of Uyghurs may have concluded that there is no other way to resist except violence, musicians like Berna, Ablajan, Six City and Perhat all serve as examples of another way. They are representative of many young, city-dwelling, Chinese-speaking Uyghurs who are forging a different kind of Uyghur identity, one that may be able to negotiate the pressures, constraints and contradictions of life in contemporary China (not all of which relate to being an ethnic minority). While embracing global culture, and looking outwards, some also retain a sense of their history and culture, and are struggling to ensure these remain both vital and relevant."
2021
http://cppc1989.blogspot.com/2019/02/...
Holdstock is prudent refrained from any one-sided conclusion, but his expected outcome hope to reach by 'different tune' was still frustrated by the totalitarian system's subjective will that made 'perfect bomb' possible.
June 9, 2019
There is a lot of information that Holdstock includes in this book. It is well researched and peppered with short vignettes of his personal experiences and interviews with Uyghurs in Xinjiang. It's a great resource for someone to get a primer on some of the historic aspects of the Xinjiang problem.
Curiously, he was using the distillation of Uyghur culture to stereotypical ministrels as his start and ending points though, he wrote more on economic issues. The information presented was thoughtful and informative but easy to get tangled up in trying to remember an acronym. It is worth a read.
Curiously, he was using the distillation of Uyghur culture to stereotypical ministrels as his start and ending points though, he wrote more on economic issues. The information presented was thoughtful and informative but easy to get tangled up in trying to remember an acronym. It is worth a read.
July 28, 2023
really comprehensive overview for a beginner into the topic and gives you a brief glance into the history of the region, contemporary culture, religion, oppression at the hands of the state etc. etc.
July 23, 2019
A very well-balanced book offering an exploration of the history of Xinjiang and its ethnic relations without falling into the oppressor/oppressed narrative. The author acknowledged the existence of prejudice, mistrust and oppression in Xinjiang but also analysed the events in terms of broader Chinese socio-political environment and also drew international parallel to help readers understand. The author offered perspective from both Uygher and Han sides. It would be good to also read how the other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang feel about the issues too.
August 31, 2015
This is a detailed and well-researched examination of the Uyghur people and their increasingly troubled relationship with the Chinese state. Nick Holdstock’s knowledge of the area helps him unravel the complexities of the situation and on the whole he manages to make it comprehensible and interesting. Nevertheless the book is quite heavy going at times, and although I learnt a lot it took quite a major effort of concentration.
February 28, 2020
What a read! Gave some real insight into some of the cultural divides in China which I had no idea about. Well researched and the author also lived in Xinjiang as a teacher so gives some further insights.
Amazing story and well told
Amazing story and well told
October 17, 2022
A really excellent overview which is careful to say what we can and cannot know due to information restrictions.
The book heavily focuses on agricultural and economic policies which have worsened divisions and inequality. Corrupt local officials and business people are major issues, which are familiar stories to any China watcher. These factors are frequently ignored by both Chinese and Western media who prefer to focus on a narrative of race and religion. Here there were many missed opportunities to avoid the situation Xinjiang is in today. Later the destruction of local culture is examined.
It would be nice if an updated version was released. For example, in the final chapter it describes how music and the arts could build a bridge between the Xinjiang people and the Han Chinese while citing the success of Ablajan Awut Ayup. According to Wikipedia Ablajan disappeared in 2018 and is presumed to be in a 're-education camp.'
The book heavily focuses on agricultural and economic policies which have worsened divisions and inequality. Corrupt local officials and business people are major issues, which are familiar stories to any China watcher. These factors are frequently ignored by both Chinese and Western media who prefer to focus on a narrative of race and religion. Here there were many missed opportunities to avoid the situation Xinjiang is in today. Later the destruction of local culture is examined.
It would be nice if an updated version was released. For example, in the final chapter it describes how music and the arts could build a bridge between the Xinjiang people and the Han Chinese while citing the success of Ablajan Awut Ayup. According to Wikipedia Ablajan disappeared in 2018 and is presumed to be in a 're-education camp.'
June 4, 2022
This was an outstanding read.
A very interesting and intriguing read on the conflict between the Han people and the Uyghur people.
It was a particularly fascinating read on society and confrontation.
4.8/5
A very interesting and intriguing read on the conflict between the Han people and the Uyghur people.
It was a particularly fascinating read on society and confrontation.
4.8/5
April 30, 2022
新疆問題比港台更複雜，當權者一直以來的「堵」而非「疏」更激化了矛盾。
March 5, 2025
笔调很客观，既不偏向中共政府一方，对世维会也多有批评，但受限于材料，书中呈现的新疆与维族终归蒙着一层薄纱。最有价值的，莫过于作者本人在新疆的亲身经历和对维族人士的访谈。此书时段截止于2014年，十年之后的现在，维族境况已然更加恶化，新疆作为一个“问题”也持续困扰着中国当政者。但作为普通人，除了多了解一些被遮蔽的历史，能做的，实在有限。
Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews