You’ve seen the film, A Bridge Too Far and you’ve heard that the battle for the bridge over the Rhine was a tale of plucky British paratroops fighting and losing against the far superior forces of the German SS, but this history book may well revise your opinion, negatively, of this utter disaster.
This in-depth, well researched book is another from the pen (keyboard?) of Antony Beevor, one of our pre-eminent military historians, and a fine book it is. Mr Beevor delves into the background and genesis of the mission, which was a previous mission that was cancelled, and the reasons for it ever being agreed. This part is one that makes you really angry because, unfortunately, it was a case of Field Marshal Montgomery trying to hog the limelight and get into Germany before the Americans, who had a better chance further south.
The background explanation … (it’s a bit long, sorry)
I can understand why Monty’s nose was out of joint: he was slated for being ‘too slow’ to capture Caen in Normandy after D-Day even though the British were fighting up to seven SS Panzer divisions at any one time, whereas the Americans faced fewer and poorer quality opposition much of the time. This is not to say they had an easy time of it – far from it, simply that much of the criticism against Monty at that time was biased and unfair. It was also the British who had the most experience fighting the Germans, though the Americans learned fast and had adapted their tactics enormously since D-Day (and, indeed, did so in Sicily the year before that), but Monty and other British generals felt they were gradually being sidelined by the Americans, who were more gung-ho and ‘exotic’ to the Europeans. Remember that the British had been fighting WWII since September 1939 and the land war had been going on since April (Norway) and May 1940 when British forces tried to halt the German invasion of Holland, France, Belgium and Luxembourg, whereas the American army’s first battle was during Operation Torch in November 1942. (Even in the Pacific, US ground troops did not see action until August 1942.) This meant that the British were suffering from manpower shortages and didn’t want to run down their armies to such an extent that they became almost irrelevant, so they were more conscious of casualty rates. The Americans, however, had not suffered as many casualties or disasters, so had no such qualms, despite some very hard fighting, e.g. in Hürtgen Forest.
Churchill, the government and the British High Command were smarting from having to relinquish a lot of control to General Eisenhower and the US government which, quite understandably, demanded more say because they not only had sent thousands of troops and air crew to Europe but were supplying most of the tanks, aircraft and other weapons that had kept the war going; British production could not have kept up on its own by a long way. The overall impression beginning to be made, then, was that ‘the Americans are winning the war’, which was hard to take after all the sacrifices the British and other Allies had made.
So, basically, the alliance was holding together well but with niggles on both sides, not helped by Monty’s acerbic nature and arrogance towards his fellow officers, most of whom disliked him, whatever their nationality. He could have worked more collaboratively with Ike, Bradley and Patton (another prima donna!) in which case lives could have been saved. In any case, Monty cajoled, persuaded and threw his teddies out of the pram until he was given priority over supplies, stating that a strong thrust in the northern sector would result in a rapid crossing of the Rhine and a swing round to the right into the Ruhr – Germany’s industrial heartland and source of production, and ‘end the war by Christmas’. This was despite the fact that Patton was in a good position to thrust through the Alsace and into central Germany.
Students of WWII know that thanks to America’s industrial capacity and amazing ability and effort to ramp up war production, the likes of GM, Ford and Boeing were turning out military vehicles, tanks and planes at an enormous rate, so Allied forces could replace their assets almost instantly when they got blown up. They also had a huge capacity to produce small-arms and fuel, so why, you may ask, were the Allied generals arguing over priority of supplies? The answer is that while the Allied armies were by now in eastern France and Belgium, they were still having to bring the majority of their supplies from the beaches and Mulberry harbours in Normandy hundreds of miles away. This also entailed using huge amounts of petrol for the supply trucks, detracting from that needed by the armies.
The most logical answer to this was to prioritise the capture of the Belgian port of Antwerp and the Scheldt Estuary which leads to it; that way they could have brought thousands of tons of supplies in much closer to the action. Unfortunately, Monty was not interested in Antwerp, possibly because that battle was being gallantly fought by the Canadians, who were making a good job of a very difficult situation. They captured the port but the Germans held Walcheren Island, which dominated the river leading to the port, so it couldn’t be used.
As a result of all this and more, Monty and his closest group decided to throw caution to the wind and make a plan to grab the headlines and the glory by capturing the first bridge over the Rhine and being the first Allied troops into Germany. This also served another purpose; the British 1st Parachute Brigade was a highly trained elite unit that had hardly been used at all up to that point. They were frustrated and bored, and wanted to get in on the action, whereas the American 82nd (All American) and 101st (Screaming Eagles) Parachute divisions were doing a magnificent job and getting a lot of attention.
The whole point of parachute troops is that they are used in a coup de main capacity, which means they are only lightly armed but are dropped very close to their objective and, as highly motivated shock troops they hit the enemy hard and fast, with the element of surprise giving them an edge, to be relieved by regular and more heavily armed ground troops supported by artillery and tanks before the enemy has time to react, e.g. when 6th Parachute Brigade captured ‘Pegasus Bridge’ at the opening of D-Day.
So that’s the background.
Unfortunately, the plan was a bad one, especially once the RAF had made it considerably worse by refusing to drop the paras anywhere near the bridge – over eight miles away, in fact, because of the number of German anti-aircraft guns in the area. In fact, there weren’t as many as feared. This one operational fact should have prompted the abandonment of the plan at that stage; there would be no element of surprise if the paras had to march eight miles to even get near their objective, giving the Germans time to react. The Allies had also not learned, after all this time, that the Germans were actually masters of quick reaction – on many occasions they had saved themselves from disaster by extremely quick decisions and actions to rush additional weapons and troops to an area of danger, and cobble together disparate elements of shattered units into a cohesive force. This is in addition to the fact that the II SS Panzer Corps was in the Arnhem area for refit and a rest, and eastern Holland’s close proximity to Germany also meant that the German supply lines were very short.
I think that’s enough about that because you need to read the book, but the important thing is that this is an excellent book which covers all the elements, both military and political, that contributed to the utter disaster that was the Arnhem débacle, as a result of which thousands of gallant paras died or were taken prisoner, and hundreds more British, American and Dutch troops died, were wounded or captured, not to mention the thousands of Dutch civilians who were killed, had their houses blown up by the fighting all the way from Belgium to Arnhem, or who were severely punished or murdered by the Nazis for helping the Allies after they had won the battle. Ultimately, Arnhem was not liberated until April 1945 and Patton was the first general to cross the Rhine in strength, at Remagen. As for Monty, his reputation never recovered.
The book has several maps and photographs, which are valuable additions, and is very well written, as we have come to expect from Mr Beevor. It makes sobering reading and is an excellent addition to the canon of WWII history.