This was a solid history of Weimar Germany. It followed a thematic rather than narrative structure, so each chapter considered a particular theme, often in turn focusing on certain representative individuals within that theme. Two consequences of this is that it felt quite a lot like a textbook, and that actually you only need to read the chapters that interest you.
In some ways, it is easier to consider the book chapter by chapter, and so here they are:
A troubled beginning - how the Weimar republic came into existence at the end of World War I. Quite an interesting chapter from what I recall, as the Social Democrats managed to establish a republic that was socialist, democratic, progressive, emancipatory and egalitarian.
Walking the city - here the author takes you on a walking tour of Berlin, drawing on contemporary descriptions. It’s the most different chapter and is interesting, evocative and enjoyable.
Political worlds - politics of the Weimar Republic. I found this to be the most interesting chapter, and I saw some striking parallels with politics to today, with the deep divisions and complete lack of consensus in politics, ultimately causing the democratic processes and institutions to fail. I was also struck by how awful the rightwing was before the Nazi party was even a thing. The rightwing DNVP and DVP were rabidly antisemitic and antidemocratic and wanted to destroy the hated Weimar democracy and install an authoritarian regime. I can’t believe people actively voted for these parties.
A turbulent economy and an anxious society - this covered the economy and society. I was struck by how much potential the Weimar Republic had. It could have been truly amazing and was streets ahead of other western countries in terms of rights and social protections (8-hour working day, unemployment benefit, theoretical equal opportunities), but it never really got a chance to flourish, beset as it was by clearly unjust reparations demands, hyperinflation in the years up to 1924, and the world economic crisis from 1929; Germany was particularly hard hit by the Wall Street crash due to its reliance on American loans, which were called in from late 1929 and thereby bankrupting businesses and perhaps most importantly the government, which went into a punishing cycle of austerity. Weitz identified three phases of the republic’s history: the hyperinflation of 1918-1924, the “golden years” of 1924-1929, and the depression of 1929-1933.
Building a new Germany - this was all about modernist architects (eg Bruno Taut) and architecture, and the principles that drove them.
Sound and image - about the new communication technologies, particularly microphones and loudspeakers (for public speeches), radio, and particularly film. With my interest in cinema, I particularly enjoyed the discussion of The Cabinet of Dr Caligari as an example of Expressionist film. “The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari” which premiered in 1920 is perhaps typical of German cinema in the early years of the republic. Until 1924, Expressionism dominated German cinema, as well as German art in general (it was born as a response to the trauma of the war). The expressionist mode probed the psychology of the protagonists and of the audience. They emphasised emotional complexity and the layered levels of consciousness. Are dreamworlds more real than reality? To whom do we give up our autonomy as individuals? Are we all enmeshed in the nightmarish dreamworld of Dr Caligari? Around 1924 filmmaking moved to the more distanced tones of New Objectivity, eg “Berlin, Symphony of the City”, which captures the speed and disorientation of the city, with rhythms of movement and sounds. Charlie Chaplin and Sergei Eisenstein were both incredibly popular, especially “The Gold Rush” and “Battleship Potemkin” respectively among the most popular films of the decade (both released 1926). Until 1929, film in Germany was silent. There was a democratising aspect to cinema. In Berlin alone, 400 million cinema tickets were sold in 1924. Film tickets were cheap enough for all but the very poorest to attend, yet artistic enough for the upper classes to be interested and choose to share the same space as the working class. However, there were rightwing critics of the degeneracy of cinema, and attempts to control it. No surprise that much of German cinema went into exile (especially to Hollywood) as the republic came to end in 1933.
A quick but related diversion into writing. There was much rightwing criticism of Schund und Schmutz (trash and dirt) generally. Penny novels were incredibly popular, mass-printed, extremely cheap and voraciously consumed, particularly by the working classes. This caused so much concern in rightwing circles that by 1926 a rightwing government introduced the Law to Protect Youth from Trashy and Filthy Writings. Penny novels were sometimes pornographic, but more commonly exciting detective-revolver-packing romance and adventure stories. Often seen by the right as the product of foreign, especially Jewish, authors, and penny novels were thought to undermine young people’s ability to appreciate traditional German art. One critic defined Schund und Schmutz as rooted in “Jewish Manchesterism”, blending antisemitism, anti-capitalism and anti-British sentiments. A judge railed against the “overstimulation of the imagination” caused by this material among young people. There were frequent attacks by the right on “cosmopolitanism” generally, which meant Jews.
Culture and mass society - this chapter focused on art, literature and theatre. Among the subjects of this chapter are Thomas Mann, Bertolt Brecht (and particularly his revolutionary Threepenny Opera), and Hannah Höch with her really interesting photomontages.
Bodies and sex - this chapter looked at how these things were represented in Weimar culture and society, including sexual freedom plus the new trend of nudism. I felt this chapter could have been much better developed, as it was quite short. A glaring omission was around sexuality, which was a fairly radical development in the republic.
Revolution and counter-revolution from the Right - this chapter covered the fall of the Weimar Republic from 1929 to 1933. There is an interesting examination of the language of the right, through rightwing figures like Paul Althaus, Ernst Jünger and Oswald Spengler, which shows that the language made infamous by the Nazis already existed - and was widespread - before the Nazis came on the scene (for instance, terms like Third Reich were already an established idea not associated with the Nazis). The right were already antidemocratic, antisocialist and antisemitic. It is also shown that the Weimar Republic had effectively already been destroyed by rightwing authoritarians ruling by presidential decree before Hitler was made chancellor. Another striking takeaway was that Nazi rule was not inevitable, and it’s so poignant to consider how easily it could have been avoided; never more than 37.3% of the electorate voted for the Nazis in free elections, Hitler made two bids for power in 1932 and failed both times, and by the election of November 1932, the popularity of the Nazi party was already on the wane. If it hadn’t been for rightwing machinations to destroy the republic in January 1933, it seems unlikely the Nazis would have got into power. Interestingly, if the Communists hadn’t joined the Nazis in a vote of no confidence against Papen, the November election - the third that year - might not have happened. A final point of interest was that Brüning and Papen both called elections thinking they could increase their majority and overcome a hung parliament, and both elections backfired for them.
The Weimar legacy: a global perspective - this was perhaps the most disappointing chapter, and felt a lengthy one to get to the end. The first part dealt with political science and philosophy of people like Hans Morgenthau, who grew up in Weimar Germany but did most of his work in exile. I felt this part dwelt too much on Cold War politics, and the link to Weimar Germany often seemed tenuous. The second part of the chapter then covered the work that Weimar architects carried on in exile, particularly in Los Angeles and Turkey. Presented as the final legacy of Weimar, this felt really weak. I was more interested to know how the political ideas of the republic - emancipation, egalitarianism and social welfare - might have left a legacy, but this wasn’t dealt with.
Reading this book, I was struck by how modern and revolutionary the Weimar Republic was, and found it really inspiring. It was progressive, socialist and democratic, with wide freedoms, and sparked tremendous creativity. It led the way for the world. By contrast, women did not get equal voting in Britain until 1927, in France until 1945, and the US was deeply anti-worker and had racism enshrined in law. In Weimar Germany, the constitution protected freedom of speech, women had equal rights, there was a new tolerance for varying sexualities, and workers had an impressive safety net provided by the government (when it could afford it). The creativity of Weimar Germany arguably led the world - and benefitted the United States the most when the majority of Germany’s artists and thinkers went into exile in the 1930s. I find it incredibly sad and poignant that there were people in Germany who actively wanted this to happen, who wanted to stifle this thought and creativity, who wanted to remove social protections, destroy the democracy, remove rights (especially those of Jews), and return Germany to some nostalgic pre-war vision of greatness. In a similar way, I don’t understand why supporters of Brexit similarly want to diminish Britain and actively remove their rights - I was regularly reminded of the parallels. With this in mind, I was interested to see that Weitz’s book was first published in 2007, and revised in 2013.