L'Antimachiavelli di Federico II di Prussia rappresenta il manifesto spirituale, prima ancora che politico, di un principe illuminato che cercò di rimanere fedele tutta la vita ai suoi ideali umanitari. Uscito a Londra nel 1741, venne accolto con enorme interesse, apparendo agli occhi� dell'Europa colta come l'ambizioso programma di governo del giovane reggente.
Frederick II (German: Friedrich II.; 24 January 1712 – 17 August 1786) was a King in Prussia (1740–1772) and a King of Prussia (1772–1786) from the Hohenzollern dynasty. In his role as a prince-elector of the Holy Roman Empire, he was Frederick IV (Friedrich IV.) of Brandenburg. He was in personal union the sovereign prince of the Principality of Neuchâtel. He became known as Frederick the Great (Friedrich der Große) and was nicknamed Der Alte Fritz ("Old Fritz").
Interested primarily in music and philosophy and not the arts of war during his youth, Frederick unsuccessfully attempted to flee from his authoritarian father, Frederick William I, with childhood friend, Hans Hermann von Katte, whose execution he was forced to watch after they had been captured. Upon ascending to the Prussian throne, he attacked Austria and claimed Silesia during the Silesian Wars, winning military acclaim for himself and Prussia. Near the end of his life, Frederick physically connected most of his realm by conquering Polish territories in the First Partition of Poland.
Frederick was a proponent of enlightened absolutism. For years he was a correspondent of Voltaire, with whom the king had an intimate, if turbulent, friendship. He modernized the Prussian bureaucracy and civil service and promoted religious tolerance throughout his realm. Frederick patronized the arts and philosophers, and wrote flute music. Frederick is buried at his favorite residence, Sanssouci in Potsdam. Because he died childless, Frederick was succeeded by his nephew, Frederick William II of Prussia, son of his brother, Prince Augustus William of Prussia.
Good intentions, not easy to put into practice as Frederick the Great himself realised as soon as he began his political activity. This outstanding Hohenzollern king, had to separate himself, inevitably, from "the path of virtue" and follow a few of his despised Machiavelli´s tips. Go figure...
It’s a shame that people read Machiavelli’s Prince and don’t get to read this book. The book is an excellent critique of the prince and it’s harsh view of the world and what motivates human beings.
Fredrick is THE Philosopher King, which politicians and rulers the world over should aspire to.
Fredrick the Great tutored under Voltaire writes this as Machiavelli's work were popular among European kings. The Crux of Fredrick the Great's thought is that one can't be mischievous and put people against each another. Most decried Machiavelli but followed it regardless in their political thought.
I would recommend this only if you're interested in Fredrick the Great's thought, writings.
This only gets 5 stars, because it's peak comedy. The sole purpose of the book is critisizing (and not entirely rightfully so) Machiavelli and going against every argument of his 'Il Principe' chapter by chapter. I found it petty, but entertaining and full of intrigue. Though he brings up some valid point, I was mostly reading it to see what he'll think of next.
Trata-se de uma crítica de Frederico II ao Príncipe de Maquiavel e ao próprio Maquiavel. O autor argumenta, basicamente, que Maquiavel destrói a política ao corromper a boa moral, que o Príncipe é uma obra perigosa e que o papel de um Príncipe é buscar o bem do seu povo através de justiça, honestidade, bom senso e prudência. O livro não é acadêmico e é recheado de ataques pessoais a Maquiavel. Sim, o realismo de Maquiavel é permeado de problemas morais. Contudo, Frederico II parece um tanto ingênuo, como eram muitos iluministas de sua época que acreditavam na bondade humana, ao sugerir que o Príncipe consiga ser "paz e amor" e alcançar paz e prosperidade. O Príncipe e o Anti-Maquiavel devem ser lidos conjuntamente para se equilibrar uma visão realista da política com uma visão moral desejada do agir político.
The treaty is as contradicting, as it claims "The Prince" to be. Friedrich crossed many of the borders and red lines he lists in his work later in his reign. Still, it is a good example of Enlightenment critique towards Renaissance.
This review is from: Frederick of Prussia: Anti-Machiavel (Hardcover) A spirited rebuttal of Machiavelli's “The Prince” and a book with a fascinating background which is discussed in Sonnino's introductory remarks. Written by Frederick the 3rd of Prussia when he was still a Prince, there are actually two versions of the text. This is an English translation and reconstruction of the first, with the exception of chapter 2 which comes from the 2nd as no full copy of the first is known to exist. Frederick wrote the first version and sent each chapter to Voltaire who edited the work and forwarded it to a Dutch publisher. The first version sold out and Voltaire created a 2nd edition with even more edits – which Frederick himself disowned, writing Voltaire “There is so much that is new in your edition that it is no longer my work.”
To make matters more interesting, Frederick suddenly became King right after publication. Real-politic sets in and he begs Voltaire to purchase every copy lest its contents damage his reputation with other notables. At one point he quips (and Frederick is witty) “If princes were as infallible as the pope believes himself to be.. ” which could have created trouble with the Church.
The choice of translation one prefers depends on one's purpose. If one wants Voltaire one seeks out the 2nd . For a sample refutation of Machiavelli, pick either. In my case I learned of Frederick's Anti-Machiavel in Niall Fergusson's Civilization, and felt a need to know more about the formation of Germany and Mittle Europa. This Anti-Machiavel should reveal much about Frederick's character. In Frederick's time the Hapsburgs' Austria-Hungary was dominant followed by Prussia which was surrounded by a large number of minor principalities. To make sense of this and of the subsequent unification of the German peoples I felt a version closest to the original best suited my needs.
This is an unjaded younger man's book – Frederick was 27 or 28 at the time, and it is filled with romantic idealism. The author argues that the role of a monarch is to be a servant to his people and gives a good account of Enlightenment ideals. Further the quality of the argument improves the further into the text when he underscores that the strength and productivity of the state depends largely on the willing enthusiasm of its citizens for it using Holland as his example and Russia as its counter. Frederick's exploration of the morality of leadership helps him develop both policies and ethics that he will need when he ascends the throne. He derides Machiavelli's obsession with military matters as playing at Don Quixote, placing military matters below civic justice, but he also understands the occasional need for force, even preemption in an excellent formulation of Just War Theory near the end:
“It is thus better to engage in an offensive war when one is free to opt between the olive branch and the laurel wreath than to wait until those desperate times when a declaration of war can only momentarily postpone slavery and ruin.” (pp161)
The short chapters mirror those of The Prince and Sonnino's translation gives a readable flavour of the era. His annotations, while sparse, fill in several of Frederick's 18th century references, though more could have been supplied.
Dare una valutazione in stelle a quest'opera mi pare riduttivo e pure superfluo. L'Antimachiavelli è stato giudicato come mero esercizio di retorica o manifesto dell'ipocrisia federiciana che prima dice una cosa e poi ne fa un'altra. A ben vedere, però, dietro l'intento critico nei confronti di Machiavelli, affiorano in superficie aspetti che rimarranno caratteristici di Federico II (il generale disprezzo per le religioni e il fanatismo, la convinzione che un principe debba fidarsi solo di se stesso, la legittimità delle guerre preventive). Qui compare per la prima volta l'espressione che designa il sovrano come "primo servitore dello Stato", una politica che egli cercò di perseguire, pur con alterne vicende. Non a caso si parla di "despotismo illuminato". Come si è detto, la personalità di Federico II resta ancora oggi un mistero non del tutto decifrato, indubbiamente affascinante (nel bene e nel male).
"Forse gli stava veramente a cuore la felicità dei suoi sudditi; il guaio era che era lui a decidere in che cosa consistesse questa felicità." (Dall'introduzione di Nada Carli)
I went into this book thinking only on what I have learned of Machiavelli. I wasn't sure how Frederick would tackle him. This book was actually a pleasing read for a history buff. It is a great point by point refutation using other exemplars of the more positivistic principles of rulership. At the same time, the ideas are about more than simple refutations on the principles of Machiavelli. Frederick does promote an excellent alternative viewpoint. After having read this work, I'd say that The Prince and the Anti-Machiavel should be sold paired together. Frederick displayed some naiveté about the longevity of monarchal rulership. He also displayed a great deal of prescience about how the organizing principles of social systems were likely to change after his age.
It's interesting in a number of ways to read the wit, wisdom, and snark of a soon-to-be monarch of 1700s Europe. It's prescient and not at alternating times, and Frederick is great at sarcasm when he wants to be. He's also completely ready to stereotype entire countries at the drop of a hat.
The prose is old-fashioned so it's a bit of a slog, but I still found it interesting nonetheless.
I like the idea behind this book, but some of Friedrich's ideas (not all) are a bit ill-conceived and naive. In the wrong hands even dangerous. So it would probably be best to read this book and Machiavelli's together. Both have their flaws and strengths, but they counterbalance each other. And I think both books are worth reading.
«Ο Ηγεμόνας» (Il Principe) είναι πολιτικό δοκίμιο του διπλωμάτη και φιλοσόφου Νικολό Μακιαβέλι. Γράφτηκε το 1513 αλλά δημοσιεύθηκε το 1532, μετά τον θάνατο του δημιουργού του. Ο Μακιαβέλι (1469-1527) ορίστηκε καγκελάριος της φλωρεντινής δημοκρατίας και έτσι ήλεγχε τις περιοχές που ήταν υπό την κυριαρχία της. Οι αποστολές του τον έφεραν σε επαφή με ισχυρές πολιτικές προσωπικότητες της εποχής κι όλη αυτή η τριβή αποτέλεσε τον πυρήνα του έργου του. Το 1512 οι Μέδικοι κατέλυσαν τη δημοκρατία και φυλάκισαν και βασάνισαν τον Μακιαβέλι ως ύποπτο για συνωμοσία εναντίον τους. Αποσύρθηκε στο πατρικό του κτήμα, έγραψε τον «Ηγεμόνα�� και άλλα κείμενα κι όταν κέρδισε την εύνοια των Μεδίκων, επέστρεψε η δημοκρατία κι έχασε τη θέση του. Στο εμβληματικό του έργο σημειώνει ωμά και ρεαλιστικά με ποιον τρόπο πρέπει ένας μονάρχης να δράσει για να κρατήσει την εξουσία του, πολλές φορές χωρίς ηθικούς φραγμούς και όρια. Το έργο έχει τραβήξει το ενδιαφέρον πολλών μελετητών και έχει αποτελέσει πηγή έμπνευσης για αυταρχικούς πολιτικούς και δικτάτορες. Εξ αυτού προέκυψε και ο όρος μακιαβελισμός, δηλαδή η πολιτική θεωρία σύμφωνα με την οποία μια κυβέρνηση ή ένας ηγεμόνας μεταχειρίζεται οποιοδήποτε μέσο, ακόμη και μη ηθικά ορθό, για να προστατεύσει το κράτος του. Ευρύτερα, μακιαβελισμός θεωρείται η άρση κάθε ηθικού φραγμού και οι δολοπλοκίες για την επίτευξη προσωπικών στόχων, ακόμη και άνομων.
Δύο αιώνες μετά, ο Φρειδερίκος Ντερ Γκρόσε (1712-1786), γνωστός ως Φρειδερίκος ο Μέγας, μετέπειτα βασιλιάς της Πρωσίας, έγραψε το έργο «Αντι-μακιαβέλι», το οποίο ζήτησε από τον Βολταίρο να το σχολιάσει και να το ελέγξει. Το κείμενο εκδόθηκε το 1740 και στις σελίδες του η σκέψη και η γραφή του Φρειδερίκου αντανακλούν τις αρχές του Διαφωτισμού. Ο Φρειδερίκος καταρρίπτει τις απόψεις του Μακιαβέλι και υποστηρίζει έντονα και τεκμηριωμένα πως δε χρειάζεται να κυβερνά κανείς με τόση ωμότητα και δολοπλοκίες. Και τα δύο έργα θεωρείται ότι συνετέλεσαν στη διαμόρφωση της σύγχρονης ευρωπαϊκής πολιτικής επιστήμης κι η καλαίσθητη, εύληπτη, εμπλουτισμένη έκδοση που κυκλοφόρησε πρόσφατα βοηθάει ακόμη και τον μέσο αναγνώστη να κατανοήσει βασικές αρχές της πολιτικής ιδεολογίας που έχουν εφαρμογή ακόμη και σήμερα.
Ο Νικόλας Βερνίκος και η Σοφία Δασκαλοπούλου μετέφρασαν και επιμελήθηκαν την έκδοση και των δύο έργων, τα οποία παρατίθενται μαζί ανά κεφάλαιο, ώστε η σύγκριση να είναι ευκολότερη, η μελέτη στοχευμένη και τα σχόλια και οι παραπομπές να ολοκληρώνουν το σκεπτικό που αναλύεται σε κάθε περίπτωση. Ας σημειωθεί εδώ πως ο «Αντι-Μακιαβέλι» κυκλοφορεί για πρώτη φορά στην ελληνική γλώσσα (πρόκειται για απόδοση της μεταγενέστερης του πρωτοτύπου γαλλικής έκδοσης του 1753), συμπληρώνοντας έτσι κατά σημαντικό βαθμό τη βιβλιογραφία περί της πολιτικής φιλοσοφίας και ιδεολογίας γενικότερα, του Μακιαβέλι και της εποχής του ειδικότερα.
Ο συγγραφέας αναφέρει και δέχεται κριτική για τις κληρονομικές ηγεμονίες, για το πώς πρέπει να κυβερνώνται οι πόλεις που είχαν δικούς τους νόμους πριν κατακτηθούν, για τις νέες ηγεμονίες που αποκτώνται με την αξία και τα όπλα, με τις δυνάμεις άλλου ή από ευτυχή συγκυρία ή ακόμη και μετά από εγκλήματα, για τους μισθοφόρους και τα εθνικά στρατεύματα, για τους δίκαιους λόγους που υπάρχουν για να γίνει πόλεμος κ. π. ά. Περιέχονται επίσης ο βίος και τα έργα του Μακιαβέλι, πρόλογος του Βολταίρου, σημειώσεις των επιμελητών, συμπερασματικός επίλογος και βιβλιογραφικές αναφορές, υλικό δηλαδή που καθιστά το βιβλίο πολύτιμο και σημαντικό.
Some argue that it was Voltaire who wrote this piece. However, I still see it that Frederick Ii wrote this work given as to how it has certain convenient elements to it when applied to an monarchical ruler in the mid 18th century. When reading the philosophical iterations of Frederick the Great, I thought of his line of “the permissibility of the pre-emptive strike and the ‘war of interest,’" and how it relates to today. For Frederick, the 'war of interest' is essentially where a state makes a strike against a hostile entity. This reminds me of many aspects of Russia's recent military excursion in the Ukraine. After 2014, the US set up a regime in Kiev that was/is hostile to Russia in general. The recent military actions taken by Russia would be recognized by Frederick the Great as being a 'war of interest' against the US backed hostile regime in Kiev.
Três anos e meio para ler um livro de 150 páginas. Começado a ler numas férias de amigos em Vila Nova de Milfontes, e o primeiro livro que ficou totalmente encharcado. Um abraço especial ao meu amigo Catita que mo pediu emprestado por dois anos, sem o ter terminado!