Picking this book up I initially feared Hitler’s British Traitors (published in the US as Hitler’s Secret Army) would be a disappointment, I guess the subject matter led me to question whether this was a this ‘airport paperback’ tabloid type book. I was wrong to do so.
As Britain faced entered the was with Germany the British far right who had gained a substantial following on the 1930s, principally through Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists, presented a challenge to the state. Now that Britain was in a state of war what should the State now do with the hundreds of BUF (and other groups), significant proportions of whom and spent the preceding years seeking to emulate the German Fascism within Britain.
In the early part of the book Tate introduces the 25 year old Liverpool based fascist William Craven who, in 1937 (and so before the outbreak of hostilities), wrote to the German Consul in Liverpool offering his services and loyalty to the Reich:
I am a Nordic Aryan I believe the future of white civilization is in the hands of Germany, united under Adolf Hitler … I desire to place my services and my life at the disposal of the Reich and eventually to take the honour of becoming a German citizen, to which end I am prepared to formally renounce my British nationality an act which in spirit I have relinquished … Please consider me as being in your service, for any task under any circumstances and at any time. Heil Hitler.
In the early stage of the war the state implemented two major legislative changes. First, the Treachery Act 1940 sought to address perceived inadequacies of Treason law to address espionage of foreign citizens within the UK. More importantly, was the introduction of Defence Regulation 18B which enabled the State to detain undesirables – principally fascists – on the ground of public order without trial, albeit with some measure of oversight by administrative tribunals.
The impetus was to restrain the ability of fascist ‘fifth columnists’ such as William Craven from posing a risk to the war effort whether by espionage, adversely affecting public morale, or formenting rebellion and insurrection.
Hitler’s British Traitors is the product of a careful study of recently (partially) released papers in the National Archives, and it is that study that provides the core source material for the book. To date, the authoritative study of the UK State’s approach to British fascism is A W B Simpson’s In the Highest Degree Odious (a book I would very much like to read, but the price takes it out of my grasp! – all the more so after recently reading his magisterial Cannibalism and the Common Law). Tate details at the outset that the view of Simpson, together with much of academia – which aligns with most public statements by the Governments of the day – was that the risk of the so-called pro-Nazi fifth column was much overstated and there was little coherent organised domestic pro-Nazi in the war years.
Tate sets out to challenge that account and it is unquestionable that he does show that there was a measure of what was in legal terms treacherous activity. This was also not always at a low-level with the former Labour MP John Beckett frequently implicated, for example. I do however think on its own terms that Tate overstates what the evidence he has unearthed demonstrates. Much of the evidence of treachery was, as Tate confirms, manufactured; not manufactured in the sense of made up but as the result of agent provocateur operations by the UK intelligence services after it had grown frustrated by the liberalism (!!!) of the DR18B tribunals, after all, nothing shows itself to be liberal like locking up one’s (possible) enemies without trial upholding habeus corpus!
I certainly do not follow Tate in the extremely sympathetic approach he has taken to the security service’s activities but Tate also highlights the Home Office’s (as the policy holders of wartime detention) inconsistency in how it dealt with threats made a coherent approach difficult.
The English constitutional lawyer A V Dicey responded that one of the three core facets of the British constitution was that “'every man, whatever be his rank or condition, is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals'. In a travesty of a legal decision the House of Lords did in fact find that the detention without trial system the Home Office operated was lawful (Liversidge v Anderson (1941) – compare that with the more recent A v Home Office (2004)). However, even with the dubious legitimacy of indefinite detention of a country’s citizens by its executive what Tate has shown is that the detention powers were wildly inconsistent with more prominent, often aristocratic and military leaders (e.g., Duke of Bedford, Barry Domvile) – who, if there were a fifth column would have been at its head – frequently being given a free rein while it was those who offered the least threat who were incarcerated in the longer term. In short, even in the context of the dubious lawfulness of DR18B there was no equality under the law.
Overall, Hitler’s British Traitor’s is an interesting and thoroughly researched glimpse into the realities of both the British intelligence services and the various fascist adherents and sympathisers in the second world war.