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Faşizm

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Modern toplumun yabancılaşmasına ve sömürüsüne tepki gösteren, ama modern kapitalizm açısından merkezi olan özel mülkiyet yapısına karşı herhangi bir ciddi reddiye ortaya koyma konusunda isteksiz olan faşizm, pusulasını ancak gericiliğin ışığıyla –kökten bir şekilde değişikliğe uğramış modernite koşullarında yeniden ele geçirilecek mitsel bir geçmişle– ayarlayabilir.
Faşizm, diye anlatır bize bir tarihçi, “İtalyan faşist partinin ortaya çıkmasıyla 1922-23’te başladı… Avrupa çapında faşist partilerin türediği 1930’larda rüştünü ispatladı… iki diktatörün yenilgisi ve ölümüyle birlikte 1945’te sona erdi”. Fevkalade elverişli bir tarihsel ve kavramsal sadelik! Araştırma 1922-45 dönemiyle sınırlandırılır ve bizi faşist fikirlerden, hareketlerden ziyade faşist yönetimin kurum ve süreçlerini incelemeye davet eder. 1922’den önce faşizmin hangi öncellerivardıysa, bunlar özellikle de düşünsel bir tarzda, son derece dar bir çerçevede ele alınır ve faşizmin doğasını, onun ideolojik özünü ve süregelen varlığını belirgin kılmada yatan her güçlük, İtalyan ve Alman faşizmlerinin en ince ayrıntılarına inen açıklamalarla atlatılmış olur.
Bu yaklaşım, 1922’den önceki kimi eğilimlerin faşizmin gelişimine ne ölçüde temel sağladığını hafife alır ve bu gelişmenin köklerini tutarlı biçimde örgütlenmiş bir politik parti veya hareketten ziyade belli bir dizi felsefi tartışmada bulduğu gerçeğine kulak asmaz. Neocleous söz konusu yaklaşıma iki temel düzeyden meydan okumaktadır. İlk olarak, felsefe alanında Avrupa’nın faşizme giden yolu merkezi önemdedir. Faşizm, Avrupa tarihindeki bir parantez olmak şöyle dursun, Avrupa’nın düşünsel, kültürel ve politik tarihi içerisindeki felsefi-politik mücadelelerin bir ürünüdür ve aynı zamanda bu tarihin bir oluşturucusudur. İkinci olarak, faşizmin, küçük ama etkin insan gruplarının ‘uygarlaşmış’ burjuva yaşamın esaslarını kavrama yeteneksizliğinden doğan bir tür politik sapma olmak şöyle dursun, gerçekte yaşadığımız ilişkilerin ‘normal’ ve sermaye odaklı örgütlenişine dair bir problemdir.

152 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 1997

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Mark Neocleous

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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
113 reviews17 followers
February 2, 2017
"موسولینی در لباس نظامی برای مردم سخنرانی می‌کند. روی بدنهٔ سکو، شعار اصلی نوشته شده است: معتقدباش، اطاعت کن، بجنگ"
7 reviews
October 5, 2017
A very insightful analysis on the historical conditions that gave rise to Fascism in the 20th century. The abandonment of reason by so called "new" philosophers (Nietzsche, Bergson), the social-alienating need to appropriate socialist language for the romancing of the nation towards war, and the recuperation of the mythological human nature as a reaction against modern Capitalism all spread fodder to the Fascistic fire. An important insight is that since Fascism never died, it does need to be reborn. And as an ideology, it is obsessed with the aestheticization of war:

"Fascism is an ideology obsessed with death; 'I kill, therefore I am. I die, therefore I was' it's central philosophical principle. The highest achievement of fascism, then, is a pile of corpses, its history a catalog of human destruction. (Neocleous 88).
Profile Image for Alex Gross.
10 reviews
January 24, 2026
Mark Neocleous writes with a clarity and sharpness that surprised me. The book isn’t just a surface-level overview but it’s a genuinely formative analysis of how fascist ideology grows, mutates, and survives (scary). What I appreciated most is how he avoids sensationalism; instead, he shows the inner logic that allows such a destructive worldview to take root.

It made me want to read more of his work, not because I enjoy the topic, but because he explains the machinery behind terrible ideologies in a way that actually deepens your understanding rather than overwhelming you with jargon.
Profile Image for Jacksonian.
9 reviews
September 3, 2024
An indispensable introduction to fascism, especially its ideological core.

Neocleous dives surprisingly deep into fascism's essence for a book of <150 pages. His discussions of fascism's origin in 19th-Century vitalist anti-positivism; fascism's reactionary modernism; and the centrality of war, nature, and the nation are all deeply enlightening studies correcting where others have gone astray. He connects the varying points of fascist ideology in a synthesis of explanatory power, one which unveils the danger which fascism could still present to this day.

However, there are a couple issues. First, Neocleous's decision to include nationalism among fascism's core values is, at times, more mystifying than enlightening (and, perhaps, purposefully so). Nationalism, when it is merely an extreme devotion to the nation or view of the nation as political subject, does not have enough explanatory power to single out fascism among rival nationalist camps—it disguises the specific designs fascists have for their nations.

Second, Neocleous's discussion of "nature" (while providing enlightening material on Nazi environmentalism) devolve into a psychological analysis of fascist sexuality. Worse, Neocleous ends the body of the work (pun intended) by insisting the fascist plan to curb (esp. bodily) desire is deeply intertwined with its celebration of and participation in mass death, implying its concern for eliminating homosexuality/promiscuity/etc. are at fault for fascism's more general obsession with death and objectification. In fact, of course, distinction between natural and unnatural forms of human sexuality and desire (and attempts to control these desires) are virtually ubiquitous in Western history, not to mention in communist states specifically.

Neocleous's analysis is close, but could be crucially misleading if not read through the proper lens. Fascism is indeed about war, nature, and the nation. These concepts, however, are not what separates fascism from the rest. The core of fascism is the reading of these concepts through the lens of a particularly vitalist form of Social Darwinism.
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