Book: How India Sees the World: Kautilya to the 21st Century
Author: Shyam Saran
Publisher: Juggernaut (14 September 2018)
Language: English
Paperback: 336 pages
Item Weight: 500 g
Dimensions: 20 x 14 x 4 cm
Price: 339/-
I am tempted to embark on this review with Kautilya.
In his Arthasastra, one of the jewels of ancient Indian political thought, which is not only an instruction manual for the ruler on how to run interior administrating productively but also a code of international behaviour, Kautilya reveals that in ensuring territorial veracity for oneself and securing expansion thereof ‘The Mandala Siddhanta’ ought to be followed.
Mandala Siddhanta postulates a sequence of states in the centre of which is the vijigshu (the king who desires for winning over the territories of the neighbouring states). Besides vijigshu, the Mandala consists of eleven states five in his front, four on the back and two at any place. The vijigshu is the nucleus of the Mandala while the state adjacent to and in front of the vijigshu is the Ari (natural enemy of the Vijigshu).
The state next to the Ari is the Mitra (friend) of the Vijigshu. The state next to be Mitra is Ari Mitra (the foe of the Vijigshu), meaning thereby that one's neighbour is one's natural enemy and enemy’s enemy is one's friend. The state next to the Air-Mitra is a friend of the Vijigshu and is known as Mitra-Mitra.
This astute, sensitive and scholarly narrative of the well-springs of Indian foreign policy by Saran, is in four sections, each representing a decisive theme.
I. The first, titled ‘Traditions and History’, explores the origins of India’s world view and explains how they evolved into the template through which Indians look at the world around them. The experience of foreign invasions and colonial rule has also shaped independent India’s foreign policy, as have post-Partition happenings in the subcontinent. These are covered in the two chapters on Indian foreign policy in the pre- and post-Cold War periods.
The following chapters comprise this section:
1) Sources of India’s World View
2) Foreign Policy from Independence to the End of the Cold War
3) Foreign Policy in the Post–Cold War World
II. The second part, ‘Neighbours’, focuses on our multifaceted and disturbed relationship with three of our neighbouring countries – Pakistan, China and Nepal. The author has not covered our other neighbours, only because he did not have much revelation to them and not because India’s relations with them are less important. In analysing our relations with Pakistan, China and Nepal, the author has drawn a great deal from his own private experience and perception of the cultural and psychological factors behind these countries’ perceptions of India.
This section mirrors the author’s view that the Indian subcontinent is a single, interconnected geopolitical body and ecological space with a shared history, strong cultural affinities and opaque economic interdependencies. The ultimate integration of this space, transcending national boundaries, will remain a durable objective of Indian foreign policy.
This section has the following chapters:
1) The Challenge of Proximity
2) The Pakistan Puzzle
3) Understanding China
4) The India–China Border Dispute and After
5) India and Nepal: A Relationship of Paradox
Part Three, entitled ‘The Wiser World’, explores the borderless world that is emerging in the virtual sense, driven by technological change and globalization. Energy security and climate change are twin challenges for India, requiring negotiations spanning national, regional and international concerns.
Enhanced relations with individual countries have improved India’s admission to and participation in international arrangements. This in turn has helped develop its individual relationships with the major powers.
These developments also underscore how, in the current international landscape, the line between domestic and external has become blurred. These issues have been dealt with in the chapters which describe the Indo-US nuclear deal, India’s obtaining of a waiver from the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) which helped it participate fully in international civil nuclear commerce, and the negotiations over a new climate change agreement.
The Indo-US nuclear deal is an example of how India enhanced its energy security and expanded its strategic space. Meanwhile, the Copenhagen climate change summit marked the beginning of a downward slide for India, when it had to agree to a global climate change dispensation that limited its energy options. Its hopes for a strong climate change framework were dashed.
Such an outcome would have minimized the unfavorable fallout for India. Both the nuclear deal and climate change episodes have been lessons for Indian foreign policy.
This section is concluded by a chapter titled ‘Shaping the Emerging World Order and India’s Role’. It offers a wide review of the shifting geopolitical terrain, the drivers of a new world order and India’s place in that order.
The chapters of part three are:
1) Tackling Energy Security and Climate Change
2) The Road to the Indo-US Nuclear Deal
3) Running the NSG Gauntlet
4) One Long Day in Copenhagen
5) Shaping the Emerging World Order and India’s Role
Last in this book is an epilogue. It looks at potential drifts and their brunt on India.
Three cross-national domains are examined – the maritime, cyber and space worlds. These domains need new international institutions and governance processes for their careful regulation and management.
Now, a relevant question that arises is: Why is Kautilya in the title of this book?
The answer is that Kautilya deals with the politics of power, prestige and imperialism-and seeks to discover rules of guidance in the dealings of states with one another, and he comes nearer to Machiavelli, when he deals with interstate relations. The solitary guiding principle in making the choice is the material welfare of the state.
The Indian spirit in its most refined articulations has been a stupendous example of the sharing of diverse cultures, traditions, and ways of thinking and living; coexisting harmoniously for centuries.
But we are in danger of losing this unique cultural inheritance even though much of the world still comes to our shores to seek the wisdom which could restore humanity amidst a rising tide of extremism, cruelty and barbaric violence.
And what about the Indian state?
Do Kautilya’s Arthashastra or Kamandaki’s Nitisara still hold lessons for their navigation of a world so different from theirs?
Both Kautilya and Kamandaki advise discretion in managing interstate relations. For a moderately frail king, Kautilya has this realistic advice: ‘One should neither submit spinelessly nor sacrifice oneself in foolhardy valour. It is better to adopt such policies as would enable one to survive and live to fight another day.’
At the same time, the reader of this book would do well to keep in mind that our view of the world is not India-centric, unlike that of other cultures, including the Chinese. There is a reception of different, coexisting and similarly valid realities, which is encapsulated in the ancient Sanskrit sloka from the Rig Veda: ‘Ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti’ – ‘Truth is one but sages call it by different names’.
This lies at the heart of India’s expansive cultural sensibility, in the Argumentative Indian’s delight in open discourse and debate and, above all, in India’s embrace of humanity with all its quirks and eccentricities.
These traits have been the seal of a civilization that has more often than not seen itself as a journey, not a destination.
This book is neither an emblematic memoir, nor is it a hypothesis on India’s foreign policy. It is simply an effort to find the veiled strands that could attach together the author’s varied experiences representing India in the foreign policy sphere for over four decades and see what identifiable prototypes they yield.
This book is a recounting which seeks to place events the author participated in (or witnessed) against the backdrop of India’s history. It is partly introspective, partly reflective, re-examining some of the key happenings of his time from a perspective unclouded by the passions of the day.
This recounting also rediscovers templates that are ancient in origin but more enduring than one would have believed.
Hindu cosmology locates India, or Bharatvarsha, on the southern petal of the four-petalled lotus that floats on the surface of the cosmic ocean. The petal is broad as it emerges from the central axis of the blossom, and narrows towards the tip, tracing in its sacred form the physical shape of the subcontinent.
This geography constitutes the stage on which the story of India has unfolded over many aeons. It is this geography that to a great extent sways India’s foreign policy behaviour.
The book has a strong focus on China, reflecting my belief that China is, and will remain for the foreseeable future, the one country that has a direct impact on India as far as international relations go. It is already expanding its economic and military presence in India’s subcontinental neighbourhood, and not only in Pakistan. Its naval forces now make frequent forays in the Indian Ocean, so far dominated by India.
But China remains poorly understood by India, and this lack of familiarity can be costly when it comes to safeguarding India’s interests. It is my hope that this book will trigger greater interest in what is a fascinating country with a civilization as complex and layered as our own.
India may have a rich tradition of statecraft that offers good advice on how a state can go about protecting and promoting its interests. One could claim that, on balance, the Indian state has been reasonably successful in this endeavour, despite the constraints it has faced since Independence.
However, the nature of the challenges that are now emerging, and whose importance is likely to increase in the future, demands a template different from the narrower interpretation of Kautilya’s principles. Technological change is driving globalization and there are new activities (such as those relating to cyberspace and outer space) which lie beyond the control of nation states.
There are two contending and often incompatible forces at work in the modern world. At one end of the spectrum, the technological revolution has bonded humanity much closer than it has been at any other time in history.
There are vastly greater opportunities to directly experience other cultures or learn about them through virtual media. There is continual exposure to different ways of life, cultural norms, traditions and even cuisine.
This is leading to a growing appreciation of the best that every country and culture has to offer, making us more aware of the cultural particularities of peoples the world over.
This awareness is the basis on which we develop kindliness to and reverence for the genuinely held beliefs and convictions of people different from us.
In his book World Order: Reflections on the Character of Nations and the Course of History, former U.S. Secretary of State and Nobel Laureate Henry Alfred Kissinger refers to the Arthashastra of Kautilya as a work that lays out the requirements of power, which is “dominant reality” in politics. For Kissinger, the Arthashastra contains “a realistic vision of politics long before Prince ,” which Kissinger deems “a combination of Machiavelli and Clausewitz.” German sociologist Max Weber had a contrary view to that of Kissinger; he called Arthashastra “truly radical ‘Machiavellianism… compared to it The Prince is harmless.”
Where does India in the 21st century feature in all of this?
Read this book to know the answers and ask a few more questions of your own.
You can grab a copy if you choose.