Bitter Glory: Poland and its Fate, 1918-1939

by Richard M. Watt

Watt tells the story of the painful birth, tormented life, and cataclysmic death of the independent Poland of 1918--1939. He also gives the definitive account in English of the dominant figure in this story, the Polish freedom fighter and strongman Jozef Pilsudski, whose admirers included Poland's Jews and Adolf Hitler.

Genres: History, Nonfiction, Poland, World War I, World War II

511 pages, Hardcover

First published January 1, 1979

About the author

Richard Martin Watt was born in 1930 in La Grange, IL but spent the majority of his childhood and adult years living in northern New Jersey. He graduated from Dartmouth College in 1952 and was commissioned an ensign in the US Navy, subsequently promoted to lieutenant junior grade. Following the Navy, he worked as an executive for 45 years at Crossfield Products Corp., a construction industry manufacturing firm, in Roselle Park, NJ, retiring as President and then serving as Chairman of the Board of Directors until his death in 2015. He authored several books on the subject of European history: "Dare Call It Treason," (pub.,1963) about the French Army mutinies in World War I; "The Kings Depart," (pub.,1969) about Germany between the wars, and "Bitter Glory," (pub.,1979) the history of a free Poland from 1918 to 1939. His books were published in eight different languages and were reviewed favorably by The New York Times, Time magazine and others. He also wrote over 200 book reviews for The New York Times, The London Review of Book, The Christian Science Monitor and others. He was awarded the prestigious Waclaw Jedrzejewics History Medal in 1996 from The Pilsudski Institute of America.
While he would say he was lucky to have never experienced the "starving author desperate to be published" he did feel the work of writing, while something he loved and found immensely satisfying, was hard work. He passed away on January 26, 2015 in Glen Ridge, NJ.

Reviews

[Lewis Weinstein · Rating 4 out of 5]

The first parts of "Bitter Glory" present what I found to be a fascinating look at the events of WWI from Poland's perspective, a point of view most of us may never have considered. Pilsudski accurately predicted the major flow of the war, and then positioned Poland in a way that led to Polish independence at Versailles.

After the war, the re-united and free (for the first time since roughly 1800) Poland faced a daunting series of tasks. Watt describes the attempts of the 1921-26 period, when a plethora of political parties and interests prevented government from acting decisively.

Next comes a dramatic presentation of Pilsudski's May 1926 coup, where he returned from 'retirement' and in three days took control of Poland's government, after which he was elected President and declined to serve, although he remained very much in charge.

It occurred to me, although Watt does not address them, that there are some interesting similarities and differences between Pilsudski's objectives and accomplishments and Hitler's failed coup attempt in Munich three years before.

"Bitter Glory" is written, not in academic style, but in many ways like a novel, and is therefore very accessible to those who don't usually like to read straight history.

What I have read so far (250 pages) will carry me through the time period of the next section of my new novel. Time to start writing!

UPDATE 3/19/13 ...

I've now read through the events of 1935. It's just as good as the earlier chapters. Particularly fascinating are the interchanges between Poland and Germany in the years (1933-35) after Hitler became Chancellor ...

... After Hitler became Chancellor, Pilsudski did not believe Poland was in any immediate danger … he felt Hitler would first have to consolidate his internal position and deal with a host of domestic problems

... Pilsudski decided to test his view of Hitler by forcing a direct confrontation with Germany through the Danzig Harbor Police Force … the Polish naval transport ship Wilja appeared near Danzig and disembarked 120 Polish troops to reinforce the garrison, thus exceeding the agreed upon number of Polish troops permitted ... this was done without consultation with the league of Nations or anyone else ... This created an international incident, after which Poland withdrew the extra troops ... Pilsudki and Beck believed they had accomplished their objectives, which was to show that Poland was unpredictable, aggressive and alert ... they had thrown down the glove and Hitler had not picked it up

... Pilsudski and Beck instructed the Polish minister in Berlin, Dr. Alfred Wysocki, to meet with Hitler and discuss Danzig … Wysocki was to ask Hitler to issue a press communiqué stating that he was against any action directed against Polish rights and legal interests in the free city of Danzig ... To his astonishment Wysocki got a meeting with Hitler and Hitler agreed to issue the requested statement, somewhat watered-down ... This appearance of a detente between Poland and Germany created intense surprise throughout Europe ... Why did Hitler agree? ... Hitler feared a determined alliance between France and Poland which he prevented by giving peaceful assurances to Poland.

... Polish Minister Lipski was summoned from Berlin to Warsaw to consult with Pilsudski … as another test Lipski was instructed to ask for an interview with Hitler and to seek reassurance that Germany had no aggressive intentions regarding Poland … Hitler responded - surprisingly - with a declaration of nonaggression that was signed in Berlin on January 26, 1934 … creating another great surprise throughout Europe when it was announced.

... Some accounts state that Pilsudski sent certain private persons to France to make an unofficial suggestion that the time to stop Hitler was now and that this could be done by a preventive war … The French did not agree

CONCLUSION ... In the early years of Hitler's rule, when Germany was still weak and Hitler's power not fully accomplished, it would have been relatively easy to shut him down. No political or religious leader had the courage to do so. Pilsudski, Poland's hero, seems to be the only one who even tried.

[Mike · Rating 4 out of 5]

This one gets 4 Stars for an interesting, fact-filled account of the brief life of Poland between the world wars. The Poles rebuild a nation despite great disadvantages and enemies on almost all sides. Few friends to stand with them. Pilsudski is a towering figure through most of this period. He accurately predicts how Poland could emerge if WWI goes a certain way.

His (Pilsudski) prewar forecast of the course that events would take leading to Polish independence had proved remarkably accurate. The Central Powers had beaten the Russian Empire and then had been beaten by France and its allies. Everything had come to pass precisely as Pilsudski had predicted, and he had played his hand in exactly the manner that he had planned first fighting on the side of the Central Powers and then, with his soldiers, refusing to be of service to them once they had effectively beaten the Russians.

Pilsudski was indisputably Poland’s greatest military hero. Politically, he enjoyed many advantages—not the least of which was that his fifteen months’ imprisonment had removed him from a confused scene in which many other Polish figures, even some very astute ones, had compromised themselves. Although Pilsudski possessed a base of power in his old PPS associates, he had ceased to consider himself a Socialist. (When some PPS leaders called on him and addressed him as “Comrade,” he corrected them. “I rode on the red-painted trolley car of socialism as far as the stop called ‘Independence,’ but there I got off. You are free to drive on to the terminus if you can, but please address me as ‘Sir!’ Even so, the Left considered Pilsudski an old friend, while the Right regarded him as an effective barrier against social revolution.

The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 is explained in good detail. Poland seeks help from Britain and France when the Soviets are plunging toward Warsaw. They are rebuffed by the Allies and have to save themselves. They do. Post-war hyperinflation hurts Poland badly resulting in a coup by Pilsudski to regain control of government. Yet Pilsudski does not take over as a dictator, he insisted on electing a new government. All the new nations post-WWI had major problems but Poland had more than any:

All of the many “new” nations that were born or reborn in the wake of World War I experienced considerable birth pain. But none of these so-called successor states was faced with the variety and enormity of problems that Poland encountered during its first months of existence. Here was a nation with no national boundaries as yet agreed upon—not even that with Germany—inasmuch as the Treaty of Versailles would not be signed until Poland had been m existence for nearly eight months. At least seven different currencies circulated in the area that would eventually be declared Poland. Four different legal systems operated. The first Polish national budget, drawn up for the first six months of 1919, anticipated an income of six hundred million Polish marks and expenditures of one billion seven hundred million marks. Since there was virtually no state treasury, the deficit had to be made up by printing money and accepting the resulting inflation.

Poland’s railroad system—actually three different systems, which had been built and operated by the three partitioning powers—was not designed to link together this new nation, and about half of its rolling stock, bridges and workshops had been destroyed.

Six million acres of forest land had been sawed down to provide lumber for trench systems.

Nearly a half million Poles had been killed while serving in the armies of Austria, Russia and Germany. Another million had been wounded. Pandemic Spanish influenza was sweeping through the nation, and there were serious outbreaks of typhus. Starvation was widespread and was relieved only by massive relief shipments from the United States.

The book concludes with accounts of the rise of Germany, the whirlwind of diplomacy and action and finally, the invasion and destruction of Poland in 1939. There are weaknesses in the book, especially very little attention paid to the antisemitism so prevalent in Poland. There are many accounts of the successive governments and arguments over various laws. Probably interesting to the native Poles or political science experts. These can be skimmed if needed. Good book on the era.

[Marc Dauphin · Rating 5 out of 5]

An excellent introduction to the interwar (tragic) history of Poland. A drama slowly unfolding, caused by shortsightedness at its best, fueled by narrow-minded self-interest. I learned a lot about Poland and its population through this book. It is now easier to understand where they come from and why they think like that today. In spite of his many faults, I found myself admiring Marshall Pilsudski.
What a contrast to the Poland we know today and which brings to mind admiration and respect.
Anybody who wants to know more about WW II and its causes should absolutely read this book.

[Jan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Poland existed for 21 years between its 3rd and 4th partition. This books provides a detailed and balanced account of the struggles external and internal that created the state evntually chrushed by Hitler and Stalin.

[Mlhoganjr · Rating 5 out of 5]

While there are a host of characters in Poland between the two world wars, this is really a story about the repeated partitioning of Poland and about Jozef Pilsudski. Pilsudski was just a huge character whose backstory reads like something from a novel. As a young man, his brother (coincidentally, along with Lenin's brother) was arrested in a failed assassination attempt on Tsar Alexander III. Jozef got caught up in the ensuing arrests too. He and his brother were sent to prison camps in Siberia. Pilsudski returned to Poland, joined up with the Revolutionary Fraction of the Polish Socialist Party, and got his revenge in a big way. He and his comrades robbed a Russian train carrying tax money from Poland to Russia. It turned out to be a bigger score than he originally thought, to the tune of what would be around $10M today. There was so much money that one of the horses his crew used to haul away the money died under the weight of gold and silver. He quickly used that money to start his own army, which would eventually become the nucleus of the Polish Army that would unite Poland and beat back the Trotsky and Lenin's Red Army in 1919-1921. Unfortunately Pilsudski was not the diplomat, not the ideological leader, not the unifying domestic leader that Poland needed after his incredible victory. Poland between the world wars was marked by total dysfunction and economic turmoil most of the time. It all put them in a very bad position when 1939 came with Germany and the USSR invading in unison. That war only lasted a few weeks before Poland was partitioned again.

One note on the editions of this book. It was first published in 1979 and that first edition kind of ends with a feeling of "And everything was awful forever. The end." The latest edition was 1998, after the fall of the USSR. Make sure to pick up the latter; it provides some closure/updates to the story.

[Michał Hołda · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is allowing me to present before you characteristic of Poland in 1920-1930's . I love it. If you want to read more, I post this review, as well as pages form books with Block diagram from Chat gpt, on topic, on my facebook page.

Poland had yet other difficulties. In the 1920s, the price of grain, the most important Polish export article, fell drastically on European markets. Polish grain, rye, wheat brought almost no profit. The landholding, which had never been particularly well off, was now almost brought to ruin, and the peasants fell to blame for all the troubles. in the extreme. The kingdom had a hatred for Rosyan, whom the precepts-sivamno blamed for all the troubles. Desperate uprisings broke out from time to time. In November 1830, the Poles were able to raise a substantial army, but a year later they were defeated by the overwhelming forces of Tsar Nicholas I. In retaliation, Rosjanie abolished the Polish parliament.

Piłsudski also read Marx, but rejected his economic theory—and therefore the entire Marxist doctrine.

𝐇𝐞 𝐬𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐡𝐢𝐦𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡 𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞𝐬 (𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐚𝐧 𝐞𝐱𝐜𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐤𝐞𝐫, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐉𝐚𝐧𝐮𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐔𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐫 , afther pension).

In December 1917, Lithuania declared independence. The Germans, who occupied the entire country, encouraged the Lithuanians to take this step as part of their plan to dismember Russia. However, after the war ended, the German occupiers and protectors gradually withdrew from Lithuania. The weak Lithuanian government faced both external and internal enemies

The Lihuanian Landed gentry were largly Polish origin or admitted to such. Piłsudski himself was born in Lituania. The two nations had been bound by a dynastic union for over for hundred years. In Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, many more Poles lived than Lithuanians. Due to its numerous churches and the stature of the Virgin Mary at the Gate of Dawn, many Poles considered Vilinus a holy city .

The soviets assuemd that the British could force the Poles to accept all their demands. On August 10, the Sovie represetatives in London haed Lloyd Gorge a note containing the Soviet armistice terms. Acceptance would mena Poland's complete surrender.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐡 𝐚𝐠𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐩𝐮𝐭 𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐂𝐳𝐞𝐜𝐡𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐬𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐬𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐥𝐢𝐞𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝.

𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐥𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐫𝐬, 𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐥𝐞𝐬𝐬 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤𝐞𝐫𝐬. 𝐃𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐢𝐬 𝐏𝐞𝐚𝐜𝐞 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐟𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞, 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐝𝐥𝐲 𝐞𝐦𝐩𝐡𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐣𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧'𝐬 𝐢𝐧𝐡𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐬, 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐔𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐫 S𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐬𝐢𝐚 𝐡𝐚𝐝 𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐝𝐞𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐲 𝐧𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐒𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐬𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐟𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐬.

In August 1920, at the darkes moment of the Polish-Soviet War, a German newspaper in Upper Silesia published the news of the Red Army's capure of Warsaw. 1000s of Germans, overjoyed at the expected end of an independend Poland. Crowds atttacekd Poles, their homes, and their shops.

The Czechs, always systematic, foresaw that Cieszyn might become a source of conflict between them and the Poles. The Allies were not surpied to learn that, even before the end of the war. On November 5, 1918, they immediately incorporate the earlier agreements were implemented. The Poles immediately took power in their part, and the Czechs in Theirs. No one objected to this freindly agreememnt,the Czechs' stance was univerally praised.

Later, however, Prague began to have doubts. According to the agreement, the Poles took over 1/3 of all cal mines and all importan railway lines. The Czechs suddenly realized how much they had given up. ... Czechs invated a fable about the rowing Bolshevik influance in the duchy, and while these rumors were circulating, they koncentrator a significant force of 15,000 infantry and entered Polish-held terrytory on January 23, 1919. To mislead the enemy, they recute several Allied officers of Czech desent to command the troops, dressed in their respective National uniforms.

Josef Šnejdárek
𝐀𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐝𝐮𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐟𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐜𝐞𝐫 𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐥 𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐭-𝐌𝐚𝐢𝐱𝐞𝐧𝐭, 𝐢𝐧 𝟏𝟗𝟎𝟕 𝐡𝐞 𝐛𝐞𝐜𝐚𝐦𝐞 𝐚𝐧 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐜𝐞𝐫 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐀𝐥𝐠𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐑𝐢𝐟𝐥𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐡 𝐜𝐨𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐫𝐦𝐲. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐥 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐬 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐦𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐢𝐧𝐠𝐝𝐨𝐦 𝐨𝐟 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐆𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐃𝐮𝐤𝐞 𝐊𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧 𝐏𝐚𝐯𝐥𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐜𝐡, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐠𝐨𝐚𝐥 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐜𝐞𝐫 𝐜𝐨𝐫𝐩𝐬 𝐛𝐲 𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐠 𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐨𝐧𝐧𝐞𝐥.

May coup d'etat when roops under the command of General Orlicz-Dreszar awaited him. The asssasins had to the 7th Uhlan Regiment, the 22nd Infantry Regiment, and several smoller units.

President Wojciechowski got out and hand a note to Colonel Starmirowski, commander of the Seventh Uhlan Regiment. This was request for meting with Piłsudzki. The Marshal quicly appeard on the bridge. He extended his hand to the president, but he refused to shake his hand. Piłsudzki grabbed his arm and pulled him towards the railing. They chatted animatedly for a moment.

𝐒𝐨 𝐢𝐭 𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐧𝐬 𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐬𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝟑𝟎 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲 𝐩𝐞𝐫 𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐢𝐧 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟔 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐡 𝟏 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝟏𝟗𝟑𝟎𝐬 : O

One reason for the influx of foreign capital into Poland was low wages. 𝐀 𝐭𝐲𝐩𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐖𝐚𝐫𝐬𝐚𝐰 𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤𝐢𝐧𝐠-𝐜𝐥𝐚𝐬𝐬 𝐟𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐲, 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐨𝐟 𝐡𝐮𝐬𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐝, 𝐰𝐢𝐟𝐞, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐰𝐨 𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧, 𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐧𝐥𝐲 𝟐,𝟔𝟎𝟎 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲 (𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐱𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐲 $𝟑𝟎𝟎) 𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐮𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐲. 𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐬𝐨 𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐛𝐬𝐨𝐥𝐮𝐭𝐞 𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐦𝐮𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐟𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐡𝐚𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐧𝐝 𝟔𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐢𝐫 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐟𝐨𝐨𝐝. 𝐈𝐧 𝐦𝐨𝐬𝐭 𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐬, 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐥𝐨𝐰𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐩𝐚𝐢𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐄𝐮𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐞.

All social classes suffered greatly during the Great Depression, but—as is often the case during economic depressions—the peasants suffered the worst. Agricultural prices plummeted so sharply that indescribable poverty gripped the countryside. 𝐈𝐧 𝟏𝟗𝟐𝟖, 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝟓𝟏 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝟏𝟎𝟎 𝐤𝐢𝐥𝐨𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐚𝐭, 𝐰𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝟏𝟗𝟑𝟑-𝟏𝟗𝟑𝟒 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐟𝐞𝐥𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝟏𝟖 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲. 𝐒𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐥𝐲, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐫𝐲𝐞 𝐟𝐞𝐥𝐥 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝟐𝟎 𝐭𝐨 𝟏𝟑 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲 𝐩𝐞𝐫 𝟏𝟎𝟎 𝐤𝐢𝐥𝐨𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐨𝐚𝐭𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝟒𝟎 𝐭𝐨 𝟏𝟏 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲. 𝐀𝐠𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐟𝐞𝐥𝐥 𝐛𝐲 𝐚𝐧 𝐚𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝟔𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐠𝐨𝐨𝐝𝐬 𝐟𝐞𝐥𝐥 𝐛𝐲 𝐨𝐧𝐥𝐲 𝟑𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭.

𝐈𝐧 𝟏𝟗𝟑𝟐, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐚 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐟𝐚𝐫𝐦 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐚𝐧 𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 ​​𝐡𝐚𝐥𝐟 𝐚 𝐡𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐡𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐬 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝟕 𝐳ł𝐨𝐭𝐲. 𝟓𝟎 𝐠𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐳𝐲 𝐩𝐞𝐫 𝐡𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐞. 𝐏𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐥𝐞𝐬𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐧 𝐨𝐧𝐞 𝐝𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐚𝐫 𝐩𝐞𝐫 𝐡𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐝. Small farms generated no income. All crops generated losses. It is estimated that the income of an average Polish peasant family during this period was less than two cents a day. .

Voykov's shooting was intended as revenge for his involvement in the assassination of Tsar Nicholas II and his family in Yekaterinburg on July 16/17, 1918.

How a Russian émigré in Poland killed an assassin, a diplomat, and Poland had poor relations with Russia because of this, sick.

All Poles living abroad were required to present their passports to the Polish consulate by November 15th to confirm their validity. If the consul refused to confirm the validity of the passport, its owner would not be allowed to return to Poland. It was known that this measure was aimed at Jews living in Germany.

[Erik Graff · Rating 4 out of 5]

This has been my first book focused entirely on the history of Poland, the reading of which was inspired both by the great number of friends I have of Polish ancestry and my own family history in Europe during the first half of the 20th century. As with many books treating a subject I am not very familiar with, this one was pleasantly enlightening--and very well written also.

This history of interwar Poland is substantially a biography of Josef Pilsudski, revolutionary, military leader and often, during the years up to his death in 1935, the effective head of state. Whether this emphasis on his life, opinions and activities is disputable is beyond me. I'll have to read more books on the subject.

Beyond it's service as both interwar history and biography, 'Bitter Glory' also goes into some detail as regards the causes of WWII and its consequences as regards Poland, arguably the country most damaged by the war.

[Chris · Rating 4 out of 5]

A very informative look at Poland's fate between 1918 and 1939, roughly in the years between the two world wars. The story of how Joseph Pilsudski, The Marshall, rose to become a leading force in the quest to form a new independent Polish state, and the story of how Ignacy Paderewski, the well known pianist, became an undeclared but influential ambassador for Poland in Europe and in Wilsonian America. These two figures stand out but there are many others of interest. The roles of Germany, Austria, and Hungary as principal occupiers of what had been Poland and the ways in which the European powers and the US attempted to solve the Polish question make fascinating reading for anyone interested in this period and Poland's fate within it.

[Damned Snake · Rating 4 out of 5]

It should be 3.5, but I can't give intermediate grades, and the book doesn't deserve a 3. It's a good one, but it should give more attention to the opposition to Sanacja, mainly Dmowski, who was underrepresented while arguably one of the few, if not the best, politicians Poland ever had. The author also fails to recognize that Polish antisemitism was due to Jewish nepotism and Jewish involvement in the communist movement. Back in the day, it was even called 'Kosher.' Also, Piłsudzki wasn't more right than just well-read, and he was an Austrian intelligence operative. Additionally, he was stalling the modernization of the army because he supported cavalry. It's a good book, but moderately good.

[Brian Mikołajczyk · Rating 5 out of 5]

From the publication of Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points until the invasion of Poland by Russian invasion of Poland on September 17th, 1939 shortly following Germany's invasion on September 1st, Richard Watt's Bitter Glory captures the interwar period amazingly.
The Polish Soviet War, various Piłsudski-ite regimes until his death, and the vacuum that couldn't be filled afterward this is a very detailed history and an amazing read!

[Dominika · Rating 4 out of 5]

Dla mnie ciekawa lektura. Nie czytałam więcej o Polsce międzywojennej. Ciekawie podana historia tego okresu.

[Joseph Washkevich · Rating 5 out of 5]

Similar to The Age of Napoleon (Herold) in that this is the history of an epoch of a European country (the Second Polish Republic) as well as being a biography of its military dictator (Marshal Jozef Pilsudski) rather than being about Napoleonic France. Pilsudski is now viewed as a “Founding Father” sort of character in modern day Poland following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and he is someone my Polish great grandmother and I both shared as a favorite. Pilsudski is notable as well because he is similar to Gustav Mannerheim (Finland) because they were actually able to beat the Soviet Union when they tried to invade their respective countries. Pilsudski stood out among political contemporaries as someone who was essentially the only one keeping things together in the country – both the Third Reich and the Soviet Union did not invade until after Pilsudski died of stomach cancer in the mid 1930’s.

[Liam · Rating 5 out of 5]

"The Germans regarded Poland as a Saisonstaat, a nation that would last only a season or two. For most of the next twenty years the German government behaved as if its territorial losses were only temporary and provisional. In 1920 the German Army's Chief f staff General Hans von Seeckt wrote, 'Poland's existence is intolerable, incompatible with the survival of German. It must disappears, and it will disappear through its own internal weakness and through Russia -- with our assistance. For Russia, Poland is even more intolerable than for us: no Russian can allow Poland to exist.'" (172)

"As Winston Churchill observed in 1941, 'Every day Hitler's firing parties are busy in a dozen lands. Monday he shoots Dutchmen, Tuseday, Norwegians, Wedensday, French and Belgians stand against the wall, Thursday, it is the Czechs who must suffer ... But always, all of they days, there are the Poles.'" (444)