• the discursive brand of critical method is necessary for the study of religion, yet ill-equipped to handle the complexity of identity as it relies on (and structures) the category of experience—leaving (established) critical approaches hopelessly “white” in allowing no room for experience to augment the relative “color” (i.e., opera- tional acts of diverse identification) enacted in (this) critical approach.
• Can any observer truly remove themselves or their social identifications from either the methodology or motivation sparking critique? Isn’t “scientific” method just as subject to the instabilities and scrutiny of discursivity as the unscientific “method” that originally spurred critical interest in analysis?
• the not-so-disinterested interests3 of the analyst remain all but invisible in what has come to be called the critical method or approach espoused by Wiebe and championed as the “proper” approach to the academic study of religion by various voices in the field today, even while those interests exert influence in practice.
• We hoped to address and examine what we perceived as a not-so-tacit assumption in the study of religion that something called “method” is somehow, presumably by degree of observation, immune to critique of identity-interested particularity from assumed “objects of study.” We argue that what cultural theorist Jean- François Bayart refers to as a “battle for identity”5 forces a necessary confron- tation with the (impact of) social identities (and their histories) haunting our fields of study, that shape both the data of scholarship and the scholarship of data. These complex categorical specters make it nearly impossible to unte- ther the categories of identity that we come to study from the identification of categories shaping the theoretical and methodological assumptions concern- ing the properly “academic”6 in the study of religion today. ****THESIS
• If the object of our study (e.g., religion) is not immune from the social interests that create it (and its manifold definitions, uses, etc.), then neither, really, can a critical method provide prophylaxis against the impact of similar interests on our handling of that data.
• The abbreviated over-determinacy at work in academic shorthand(s) and catchphrases (e.g., “critical method and theory”) are rhetorical techniques that manufacture discursive milieus of (a kind of) unmoored and universalized vagueness that unduly smuggles in the categorical Others marking what it is not—unique, particular, specific, authentic, and so on. Such rhetorical devices curate environments of fabricated generalizability whereby sup- positions or implications of theories x and y, or methods y and x are dis- tant (enough) from the social identities (race, religions, etc.) making such discourse, in the first instance, possible.
• the work of classifying, in fact classifies and telegraphs more than the effects of mere approach (i.e., the how) to data (i.e., the what). For many in the “aca- demic” study of religion, an approach such as the phenomenological (by way of theology) is assumed to lack the necessary merit as a “scientific” category in its perceived inability to parse claims to identity under its confessional moniker, on one hand. On the other, an asymmetrical overreliance on the notion of “religion as a human science” continues among a second wave of scholars (paradoxically) persuaded by both postmodern thought and the mod- ern promise of pristine method. Such a posture takes the notion of identity’s instability seriously enough to see it organized by/at work in (the category of) religion (as identity) insomuch as the “operational acts of identification” endemic to the strategies (such as nostalgia, authenticity, etc.) enabling reli- gion, invariably signify on the human interests of identity. However, this crit- ical accounting is most often followed by an appeal to methodological rigor assumed to hold promise for identity-free “critical” claims or descriptions on/ about the data and techniques under analysis.
• The historical prevalence of “theory and method” as necessary for doing “proper” work in the academic study of religion tends to homogenize “all other” approaches as doing “religious” (read: identity-based) work. For these reasons, we suggest that there exists a deep disciplinary segregation that, despite approach, structures how discourse in the field is classified based on the what of the identity of the data (e.g., theologically assumed approaches of black religion, black theology, womanist theology, etc., vs. the academic study of religion—e.g., history of religions, social scientific approaches, etc.)
• the academic study of religion is marked by veritable moments of panic (over its credibility and identity) wherein concerns over method or theory arise as critical anxieties about the shape and direction of the field.
• in defense of selfhood,” could it be that scholars of religion are “trying to remain altogether private men?”
• In a variety of ways, we tend to treat method as an always-been category that has remained constant, when, much like concepts such as “religion” and “authority,” it is too, in the end, both manufactured product and effect.
• Method, as it so grossly did at the inception of the modern study of religion, undercuts its utility if unable to situate itself historically and internalize its historicity with respect to goals, limits, and motives. Such a failure or incapacitated method is not the result of the inability to do it properly, but rather, the consequence of our belief in the neutral (scientific) name we have assigned to the ideological circumstances whereby a European world became “modern” by the “anti-modern” it sought so obsessively to mark as its antithesis. the shape-shifty identity work we have come to call method is (and has always been) quite good at producing semblances of knowledge, but not so productive in turning the social theoretic mirror of analysis onto its own operative rationales and logics of practice.
• THE QUESTION: would a “critical” method have the capacity to account for standpoints that know very well of their instabilities, and would it have the dexterity or courage to account for its own experiential standpoint?
• Intro
• method as an identity-revealing technique of distance making. Such that method involves (and reveals) travel.
• METHOD DEF: DISTANCE MAKING
• such a methodologically induced posture of experiential abstinence works to conceal particular human interests impacting our analyses by manu- facturing “critical” distance through various theoretical and methodological techniques that seek to buffer the battle between academic duty and the encroaching demands of proximal subjective identity and experience-based interests.
• Considering that the framework of prehistory and history relies on texts and language, then scholars of religion are in a methodological sense, literally prevented from seeing “religious” capacity in those rendered as “empirical others.”
• BUT If the historian of religions studies the “foreign” religions, but there are no foreign religions, then what, exactly, was or is the rationale for the history of religions (as specialization) and the study of religion, generally?
• The (subject-obsessed) distance-making method of method is concretized in the nineteenth-century European stance on religion as euphemism for “civi- lization.” A process which, as briefly discussed above, heavily relied on the “empirical other” to study the thing they had already rendered absent in the “empirical other”—“religion.” *********
• The empirical other never gets to make use of the utility of claiming “religion” or of rejecting “religion.” By this estimation, the move to deconstruct categories is less historical outgrowth of the Enlightenment, and more an ongoing program of social distinction making authorized by some through claims to the Enlightenment. Lab rats cannot be scientists, too.
• In many ways, the history of religions has never actually been about seeing or identifying “religion” in the Other, but about not seeing religion in the Oth- ers as to preserve it for the European.