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حالة الأزمة
يبدأ هذا الكتاب بتعريف لمصطلح الأزمة » ، ويكشف عن الأشكال المتنوعة الأخطر المشكلات التي تواجه زمننا المتغيّر ، إنه يحلل المجتمع الراهن من منظور زيجمونت باومان وكارلو بوردوني تفترض الأطروحة الرئيسة لهذا الكتاب أن الأزمة التي تواجه العالم الغربي ليست أزمة مؤقتة ، بل هي علامة دالة على تغيّر عميق في المنظومتين الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بأسرهما ، كما أن آثارها ستدوم أمداً طويلاً ، وهنا يُفسّر كارلو بوردوني أزمة الحداثة وما بعد الحداثة ، ويصوّر فترة فاصلة عصيبة من « خلو العرش » ، ويقدّم زيجمونت باومان رؤى جديدة في إطار نظريّته عن المجتمع السائل . إن الهدف النهائي لهذا الكتاب هوتحليل اصيل وجديد للوضع الحالي الذي يمرّ به المجتمع الغربي ، ويشتمل ذلك على جوانب مختلفة : من أزمة الدولة الحديثة إلى الديمقراطية التمثيلية ، ومن الاقتصاديات الليبرالية الجديدة إلى التحوّل المتواصل عن المجتمع الجماهيري ؛ إنه تحليل مثير القضايا المجتمع السائل ، ومحاولة لفهم الحاضر حتى نستعد للمستقبل ؛ إنه قاموس المفردات الأزمة ، وهو يناقش كل الموضوعات المرتبطة بها مناقشة أصيلة .
174 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2014
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374 people want to read
About the author
Zygmunt Bauman
290 books2,401 followersZygmunt Bauman was a world-renowned Polish sociologist and philosopher, and Emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Leeds. He was one of the world's most eminent social theorists, writing on issues as diverse as modernity and the Holocaust, postmodern consumerism and liquid modernity and one of the creators of the concept of “postmodernism”.
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December 20, 2016
I’ve been doing some teaching recently and I’ve found that I really like to tell people the etymology of words – like ‘curriculum’ meaning running track or ‘category’ meaning to accuse. This book starts in much the same way – but this time with the etymology of ‘crisis’, which used to mean a situation that it had reached a point where making a decision about it had become unavoidable. The authors make the point that the meaning of crisis has changed now so that today it is much more likely to be used exclusively in relation to the changes of circumstance that come from economics and that rather than necessitating a decision (something that implies a choice), too often the only solution to the crisis presented is ‘more of the same’, only this time the more of the same will be pursued with even more vigour. Which brings us to my favourite acronym TINA – not least since it is also my sister’s name – an acronym that was made famous by Margaret Thatcher – There Is No Alternative. Ah yes, you can talk as much as you like about freedom and choice, but ultimately ideologues see no alternative to their one true path.
This book is a conversation between Bauman and Carlo Bordoni (an Italian sociologist I hadn’t heard of before reading this book). Their book came out 2014 – so, after the trouble of 2008 and the riots of 2011, but pre-Trump, although, there is a smell of this impending disaster lingering about the book. This book is deeply troubling but ought to be read as there is far too much to it for me to do any more than skim the surface.
There are so many themes this book touches on and each one is illuminated in ways that have made me go ‘oh, yeah, of course’ multiple times. For instance, there is a fairly long (this is a book of 150 pages, so, you know, they don’t really do ‘long’), discussion on the history and likely future path of post-modernism. This was filled with observations that I’d simply never considered before – but I’m not going to go over that because I really need to talk about the ideas they share on the political crisis we are facing and what that might mean in the ‘where to from here’ sense.
They start by saying that the great depression was an industrial crisis – while 2008 was a financial crisis. At first I thought this might be just one of those things people say that sound profound, but don’t add up to anything. They say that with the great depression everyone basically knew that one way or another nation states were going to fix the crisis – since it was nation states that had the power. Virtually no one thinks nation states are going to fix the current crisis. These two ideas, that nation states are increasingly impotent and that 2008 was a financial rather than industrial crisis, ended up fitting nicely with one of Bauman’s main defining ideas – his idea of liquid modernity, so we are going to have get onto that, if via what might seem like a bit of a detour.
Modernity is one of those ‘hard to define’ concepts. So, it is nice to give a historical example to think with. The example given here is the Lisbon Earthquake of 1755. Here the world had one of its true ornaments, one of the most beautiful cities in Europe, and then an earthquake occurred (some estimates put it at 9 on the Richter Scale) followed by a tsunami that together killed about a third of the city’s population while also causing devastation across Europe. This was a significant event that also had a major impact on the psyche of Europe. Modernity is the idea that with progress humanity will be able to avert such catastrophes. All that is needed is the exercise of reason and the constant progress towards an ideal future – an ideal where humans become less and less like animals and more and more like gods. And for a long time it looked very much like we were, in fact, living exactly that dream.
The problem has been that while modernity has, in many ways, more than matched these various promises – I look at the wonders of modern technology in much the same way that native populations must have once looked upon the technology of the invading conquistadors – with a mixture of wonder and terror. However, the progress premised on the growth of reason was meant to bring us to a more ‘rational’ world. The world that was promised was not only going to be better able to deal with (if not completely eliminate) the whims of nature, but also to more fully develop human nature – like a charging rush up the side of the pyramid of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. Reason would provide all our physical needs, but reason would also provide us with moral and ethical self-realisation that would see us as effectively gods.
And yet, World War One provided a terrifying glimpse into what was the century that was awaiting us. World War Two saw the most civilised nation in Europe turn death into an industrialised means of mass extermination – and this was an extermination that made the blind fury of the Lisbon tragedy pale in comparison. Rather than reason proving to be our saviour, it proved to be Janus faced.
In ‘The Consequences of Modernity’ Giddens makes the point that modern society has become so complex that while we think we have it under our control, there is a growing sense that, at any moment, the whole structure will lurch and sway, the metaphor Giddens uses is of a Juggernaut, where we end up crushing everyone in our path as the structure we really can’t control rushes away from us. There are, of course, still those who are certain everything is improving and everything is well – the Steven Pinkers of the world – or that we have now reached the ‘end of history’ and this is our chance to live beyond ideology in a perfect world where reason finally actually has triumphed – and this vision isn’t only left to Fukuyama… This vision is similar to Marx’s promise of the world under communism, a world where true human history could begin, once the ‘pre-history’ had been done away with, and humanity finally have progress under control, no longer buffered by the winds of seemingly irrational fate. Modernity was this promise.
Bauman’s preferred metaphor for where we are at the moment is liquid modernity. By this he means that the certainties we’ve built during the modern phase have, one by one, turned from solid structures we could depend upon to endlessly shape changing fluids we can’t begin to predict or anticipate in their changes. Where Marx could agree with the Calvinists on the importance of work to human society, today it isn’t at all clear that everyone should (or even can) work. The productive forces are such that we are entering a world where we can produce well beyond our needs with hardly any workers at all. But our social institutions are fundamentally incapable of dealing with such a world, such a post-work world. Here the main certainty of capitalism, the relationship between work and reward, is melting. Today real capitalists are no longer industrialists or entrepreneurs, rather they are finance capitalists. Their wealth and their role in society is no where so clear as the role of someone who had owned a factory and therefore had a concrete relationship to ensuring their workers had just enough to reproduce their labour power. In a world where capital flows in search of the highest profit and can be made and lost in an instant, the solidity of previous phases in the history of capitalism looks enviable, but certainly over and done with, today.
As I said before, there was a time when the crises that faced society seemed, however intractable, able to be addressed by the nation state. The problem is that the nation state has become increasingly incapable of addressing the real issues that face society – whether flows of refugees, climate change, international taxation policies – global issues that require global solutions, but currently the global sphere is organised as the ultimate experiment in laissez-faire free market deregulation. The more the nation state is shown to be impotent in the face of these issues, the more it retreats and leaves individuals (individuals who are by definition even less able to address these global issues on their own) to make the most of what is a very bad lot. Because nation states are increasingly stripped of revenue (not least due to international corporations avoiding taxes) all of the promises of capitalism to provide for national populations are slowly (or in the case of say Greece, not so slowly) being removed. Universal health care, social housing, social security, public education, all and each are either under threat or directly under attack. We are once again being told these must be sacrificed to the gods of crisis. That the alternative to sacrificing these of our own free will is to have them ripped from our hands anyway by economic necessity.
This world of austerity of dog eat dog while also being devoid of a safety net means we are entering a time when it will be increasingly possible to know, given as a person’s age, what ‘class’ they belong to. The young will increasingly belong to the ‘precariat’ – unable to afford a house, unable to obtain a job that offers financial security, terrified of any blow (sickness, loss of income, the illness of a loved one) they will increasingly avoid long-term relationships they cannot hope to sustain, they will live from day-to-day in the knowledge they have no ability to repel shocks that can and might come from any quarter – they will be the tightrope walkers of necessity, but forever knowing that eventually (whether from loss of concentration or from an irresistible gust of wind) they will inevitably fall – the only rational course left, then is to live today as if tomorrow won’t exist.
If neither the individual nor the nation state are able to address the problems that confront us today, it isn’t at all clear what is coming that might help us make the changes necessary to provide a more humane society. We live in a world in transition, but what it is moving towards is not in the least bit clear. What does seem clear, however, is that our current path is not sustainable, despite the self-serving assurances of people like Bill Gates. The insecurity of the liquid modern world is not at all easy to live with, and not least because all certainties liquefy (if not sublimate to use Marx’s older version of the same metaphor) and this is the terrifying situation to find ourselves within. The only thing that seems certain is that whatever was true yesterday will be dangerously flawed today and an anathema tomorrow. Increasingly we will have nothing but disrespect for anyone we perceive as belonging to that older world that has vanished in all senses other than in their memories.
This is a terrifying vision – I honestly wish I could believe it wasn’t an accurate one. They talk about the increasing surveillance we not only put up with, but actively self-engage in. I assume most of us must wonder how terrifying it must have been after the fall of the Berlin Wall to find out that so many people you had known and loved had been actively working for Stasi and had been collecting information on you for decades for various government files. Today, as the authors here make clear, we have all become spies on ourselves. We dutifully fill in our own reports in databases that eclipse those held by the Stasi in content and detail – and we do so without payment and all the while knowing that one day all of this information might well be used against us. If it was a play or a movie it might all be a parody or a farce, but unfortunately it is neither.
Read this.
This book is a conversation between Bauman and Carlo Bordoni (an Italian sociologist I hadn’t heard of before reading this book). Their book came out 2014 – so, after the trouble of 2008 and the riots of 2011, but pre-Trump, although, there is a smell of this impending disaster lingering about the book. This book is deeply troubling but ought to be read as there is far too much to it for me to do any more than skim the surface.
There are so many themes this book touches on and each one is illuminated in ways that have made me go ‘oh, yeah, of course’ multiple times. For instance, there is a fairly long (this is a book of 150 pages, so, you know, they don’t really do ‘long’), discussion on the history and likely future path of post-modernism. This was filled with observations that I’d simply never considered before – but I’m not going to go over that because I really need to talk about the ideas they share on the political crisis we are facing and what that might mean in the ‘where to from here’ sense.
They start by saying that the great depression was an industrial crisis – while 2008 was a financial crisis. At first I thought this might be just one of those things people say that sound profound, but don’t add up to anything. They say that with the great depression everyone basically knew that one way or another nation states were going to fix the crisis – since it was nation states that had the power. Virtually no one thinks nation states are going to fix the current crisis. These two ideas, that nation states are increasingly impotent and that 2008 was a financial rather than industrial crisis, ended up fitting nicely with one of Bauman’s main defining ideas – his idea of liquid modernity, so we are going to have get onto that, if via what might seem like a bit of a detour.
Modernity is one of those ‘hard to define’ concepts. So, it is nice to give a historical example to think with. The example given here is the Lisbon Earthquake of 1755. Here the world had one of its true ornaments, one of the most beautiful cities in Europe, and then an earthquake occurred (some estimates put it at 9 on the Richter Scale) followed by a tsunami that together killed about a third of the city’s population while also causing devastation across Europe. This was a significant event that also had a major impact on the psyche of Europe. Modernity is the idea that with progress humanity will be able to avert such catastrophes. All that is needed is the exercise of reason and the constant progress towards an ideal future – an ideal where humans become less and less like animals and more and more like gods. And for a long time it looked very much like we were, in fact, living exactly that dream.
The problem has been that while modernity has, in many ways, more than matched these various promises – I look at the wonders of modern technology in much the same way that native populations must have once looked upon the technology of the invading conquistadors – with a mixture of wonder and terror. However, the progress premised on the growth of reason was meant to bring us to a more ‘rational’ world. The world that was promised was not only going to be better able to deal with (if not completely eliminate) the whims of nature, but also to more fully develop human nature – like a charging rush up the side of the pyramid of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. Reason would provide all our physical needs, but reason would also provide us with moral and ethical self-realisation that would see us as effectively gods.
And yet, World War One provided a terrifying glimpse into what was the century that was awaiting us. World War Two saw the most civilised nation in Europe turn death into an industrialised means of mass extermination – and this was an extermination that made the blind fury of the Lisbon tragedy pale in comparison. Rather than reason proving to be our saviour, it proved to be Janus faced.
In ‘The Consequences of Modernity’ Giddens makes the point that modern society has become so complex that while we think we have it under our control, there is a growing sense that, at any moment, the whole structure will lurch and sway, the metaphor Giddens uses is of a Juggernaut, where we end up crushing everyone in our path as the structure we really can’t control rushes away from us. There are, of course, still those who are certain everything is improving and everything is well – the Steven Pinkers of the world – or that we have now reached the ‘end of history’ and this is our chance to live beyond ideology in a perfect world where reason finally actually has triumphed – and this vision isn’t only left to Fukuyama… This vision is similar to Marx’s promise of the world under communism, a world where true human history could begin, once the ‘pre-history’ had been done away with, and humanity finally have progress under control, no longer buffered by the winds of seemingly irrational fate. Modernity was this promise.
Bauman’s preferred metaphor for where we are at the moment is liquid modernity. By this he means that the certainties we’ve built during the modern phase have, one by one, turned from solid structures we could depend upon to endlessly shape changing fluids we can’t begin to predict or anticipate in their changes. Where Marx could agree with the Calvinists on the importance of work to human society, today it isn’t at all clear that everyone should (or even can) work. The productive forces are such that we are entering a world where we can produce well beyond our needs with hardly any workers at all. But our social institutions are fundamentally incapable of dealing with such a world, such a post-work world. Here the main certainty of capitalism, the relationship between work and reward, is melting. Today real capitalists are no longer industrialists or entrepreneurs, rather they are finance capitalists. Their wealth and their role in society is no where so clear as the role of someone who had owned a factory and therefore had a concrete relationship to ensuring their workers had just enough to reproduce their labour power. In a world where capital flows in search of the highest profit and can be made and lost in an instant, the solidity of previous phases in the history of capitalism looks enviable, but certainly over and done with, today.
As I said before, there was a time when the crises that faced society seemed, however intractable, able to be addressed by the nation state. The problem is that the nation state has become increasingly incapable of addressing the real issues that face society – whether flows of refugees, climate change, international taxation policies – global issues that require global solutions, but currently the global sphere is organised as the ultimate experiment in laissez-faire free market deregulation. The more the nation state is shown to be impotent in the face of these issues, the more it retreats and leaves individuals (individuals who are by definition even less able to address these global issues on their own) to make the most of what is a very bad lot. Because nation states are increasingly stripped of revenue (not least due to international corporations avoiding taxes) all of the promises of capitalism to provide for national populations are slowly (or in the case of say Greece, not so slowly) being removed. Universal health care, social housing, social security, public education, all and each are either under threat or directly under attack. We are once again being told these must be sacrificed to the gods of crisis. That the alternative to sacrificing these of our own free will is to have them ripped from our hands anyway by economic necessity.
This world of austerity of dog eat dog while also being devoid of a safety net means we are entering a time when it will be increasingly possible to know, given as a person’s age, what ‘class’ they belong to. The young will increasingly belong to the ‘precariat’ – unable to afford a house, unable to obtain a job that offers financial security, terrified of any blow (sickness, loss of income, the illness of a loved one) they will increasingly avoid long-term relationships they cannot hope to sustain, they will live from day-to-day in the knowledge they have no ability to repel shocks that can and might come from any quarter – they will be the tightrope walkers of necessity, but forever knowing that eventually (whether from loss of concentration or from an irresistible gust of wind) they will inevitably fall – the only rational course left, then is to live today as if tomorrow won’t exist.
If neither the individual nor the nation state are able to address the problems that confront us today, it isn’t at all clear what is coming that might help us make the changes necessary to provide a more humane society. We live in a world in transition, but what it is moving towards is not in the least bit clear. What does seem clear, however, is that our current path is not sustainable, despite the self-serving assurances of people like Bill Gates. The insecurity of the liquid modern world is not at all easy to live with, and not least because all certainties liquefy (if not sublimate to use Marx’s older version of the same metaphor) and this is the terrifying situation to find ourselves within. The only thing that seems certain is that whatever was true yesterday will be dangerously flawed today and an anathema tomorrow. Increasingly we will have nothing but disrespect for anyone we perceive as belonging to that older world that has vanished in all senses other than in their memories.
This is a terrifying vision – I honestly wish I could believe it wasn’t an accurate one. They talk about the increasing surveillance we not only put up with, but actively self-engage in. I assume most of us must wonder how terrifying it must have been after the fall of the Berlin Wall to find out that so many people you had known and loved had been actively working for Stasi and had been collecting information on you for decades for various government files. Today, as the authors here make clear, we have all become spies on ourselves. We dutifully fill in our own reports in databases that eclipse those held by the Stasi in content and detail – and we do so without payment and all the while knowing that one day all of this information might well be used against us. If it was a play or a movie it might all be a parody or a farce, but unfortunately it is neither.
Read this.
December 18, 2019
يبدأ هذا الكتاب بتفسير مصطلح "الأزمة" و الذي عبّر عنه الكاتبان بداية بتعريف أغلب الأوضاع التي يُذكر فيها بشكل شامل خاصّة في الحديث عن الأزمات الاقتصادية ، فبوردوني وضح كيف يلجأ الصحفيّون أو حتّى بعض الخبراء في التلفزيون إلى ذكر مصطلح "أزمة" لتبرير العديد من الصّعوبات الاقتصادية كارتفاع الأسعار ، و انخفاض الطّلب و نقص السّيولة و زيادة الضّرائب ، الخ ...
يوضح المؤلفان أن معنى الأزمة قد تغير الآن بحيث من المرجح أن يتم استخدامه اليوم بشكل حصري في ما يتعلق بتغيرات الظروف التي تأتي من الاقتصاد وذلك بدلا من فرض القرار (شيء يستلزم اختيارا) غالبا ما يكون الحل الوحيد للأزمة المطروحة هو "المزيد من الشيء ذاته" ، فقط هذه المرة سيتم متابعة المزيد من "الشيء ذاته" بقوة أكبر ..
___________
هذا الكتاب هو مشترك بين باومان عالم الاجتماع البولندي صاحب سلسلة السّوائل الشهيرة و كارلو بوردوني عالم اجتماع إيطالي لم أسمع به قبل قراءة هذا الكتاب ، صدر كتابهم عام 2014 ، أي بعد الأزمة الاقتصادية العالمية عام 2008 و أعمال الشغب في عام 2011 ، ولكن قبل ترامب ، على الرغم من أن هناك رائحة لهذه الكارثة الوشيكة التي لا تزال قائمة حول الكتاب ..
___________
يبدأون بالقول إن الكساد الكبير كان أزمة صناعية - في حين أن عام 2008 كان أزمة مالية. في البداية اعتقدت أن هذا قد يكون مجرد واحد من تلك الأشياء التي يقولها الناس ، لكن لا يضاف شيئا إلى ذلك .. يقولون أنه في ظل الكساد الكبير ، كان الجميع يعلمون بشكل أساسي أن الدول القومية بطريقة أو بأخرى كانت ستصلح الأزمة - لأن الدول القومية هي التي تملك القوة .. تقريبا لا أحد يعتقد أن الدول القومية ستعمل على حل الأزمة الحالية .. هاتان الفكرتان ، تلك الدول القومية عاجزة بشكل متزايد ، وأن عام 2008 كان أزمة ماليّة و ليست صناعية ..
____________
لقد وجدت أنّها قراءة شاقّة إلى حد ما وغالبا ما تكون متشائمة ، يعرض معظم الكتاب جميع المشكلات ، و لكنّه في الواقع لا يتوصّل إلى استنتاجات محددة جيدا ، و على الرغم من أنّه يحاول تقديم حل للأزمة التي يكشف عنها ، إلا أنه يعرضها بطريقة قصيرة للغاية و مختصرة و غير واضحة بالنّسبة لي على الأقل ..
يوضح المؤلفان أن معنى الأزمة قد تغير الآن بحيث من المرجح أن يتم استخدامه اليوم بشكل حصري في ما يتعلق بتغيرات الظروف التي تأتي من الاقتصاد وذلك بدلا من فرض القرار (شيء يستلزم اختيارا) غالبا ما يكون الحل الوحيد للأزمة المطروحة هو "المزيد من الشيء ذاته" ، فقط هذه المرة سيتم متابعة المزيد من "الشيء ذاته" بقوة أكبر ..
___________
هذا الكتاب هو مشترك بين باومان عالم الاجتماع البولندي صاحب سلسلة السّوائل الشهيرة و كارلو بوردوني عالم اجتماع إيطالي لم أسمع به قبل قراءة هذا الكتاب ، صدر كتابهم عام 2014 ، أي بعد الأزمة الاقتصادية العالمية عام 2008 و أعمال الشغب في عام 2011 ، ولكن قبل ترامب ، على الرغم من أن هناك رائحة لهذه الكارثة الوشيكة التي لا تزال قائمة حول الكتاب ..
___________
يبدأون بالقول إن الكساد الكبير كان أزمة صناعية - في حين أن عام 2008 كان أزمة مالية. في البداية اعتقدت أن هذا قد يكون مجرد واحد من تلك الأشياء التي يقولها الناس ، لكن لا يضاف شيئا إلى ذلك .. يقولون أنه في ظل الكساد الكبير ، كان الجميع يعلمون بشكل أساسي أن الدول القومية بطريقة أو بأخرى كانت ستصلح الأزمة - لأن الدول القومية هي التي تملك القوة .. تقريبا لا أحد يعتقد أن الدول القومية ستعمل على حل الأزمة الحالية .. هاتان الفكرتان ، تلك الدول القومية عاجزة بشكل متزايد ، وأن عام 2008 كان أزمة ماليّة و ليست صناعية ..
____________
لقد وجدت أنّها قراءة شاقّة إلى حد ما وغالبا ما تكون متشائمة ، يعرض معظم الكتاب جميع المشكلات ، و لكنّه في الواقع لا يتوصّل إلى استنتاجات محددة جيدا ، و على الرغم من أنّه يحاول تقديم حل للأزمة التي يكشف عنها ، إلا أنه يعرضها بطريقة قصيرة للغاية و مختصرة و غير واضحة بالنّسبة لي على الأقل ..
August 12, 2020
Post modern durumda ilerleyiş mefhumunun nasıl bir sürekli kriz haline takabül ettiğini gösteren bir metin... Modernleşmenin kendisiyle birlikte, devlet, siyaset, ekonomi, ahlak gibi toplumsal kurum ve süreçlerin tamamı da bu kriz halinden payını almaktadır.
Ekonominin mantığı baskın hale geldikçe, tüketim hezeyanı ve kar hırsı dizginlenmedikçe, ahlaki bir boşluk bireyi kuşatmaktadır. Tekinsiz bir sermaye mantığının dünyanın dört bir yanında cirit atması, tüketimci ve denetimsiz bir çılgınlık olarak da tecrübe edilmektedir. Bu her ne kadar lafta reddediyor olsak da hepimizi baştan çıkarmış, "özgür iradelerimiz" ile peşine takıldığımız bir umut dünyası var etmiş gibi görünmektedir.
Ekonominin mantığı baskın hale geldikçe, tüketim hezeyanı ve kar hırsı dizginlenmedikçe, ahlaki bir boşluk bireyi kuşatmaktadır. Tekinsiz bir sermaye mantığının dünyanın dört bir yanında cirit atması, tüketimci ve denetimsiz bir çılgınlık olarak da tecrübe edilmektedir. Bu her ne kadar lafta reddediyor olsak da hepimizi baştan çıkarmış, "özgür iradelerimiz" ile peşine takıldığımız bir umut dünyası var etmiş gibi görünmektedir.
November 26, 2019
Bu tip eserleri (bence birkaç tık koyusu Foucault) tıpkı bisiklete binermiş gibi sürekli belli bir okuma temposunda okumak gerektiğini zamanla tecrübe etmiş bulunmaktayım ki bu, benim okuma rutinime göre 120-130 px daha hızlı okumaya tekabül eder diyebilirim.
Eserin bende uyandırdığı genel fikir, özetle siyasetin ve özellikle devlet şeklinde görünen imitasyonların (kitapta Leviathan benzetmesi galiba) uzatmaları oynadığıdır ki katılmaktayım.
Kategorik olarak ayrışsalar da, bence eserin bir başka güzel yanı da özellikle Türkiye'de bolca görünen "20xy BÜYÜK KRİZ GELİYOR, KESİN GÖMERTECEK..." vb. yorumlara imza atan; "testi kırıldıktan sonra Testi Mühendisleri"nin çiğliğine bulaşmaması. Bilakis, o wishful thinking'ci abilerin, stüdyolarda üzerine saatlerce geviş getirerek döndürdüğü olguların mihenk taşının s.173'te basitçe 'redde rationem' olarak geçilmesi (o da 2008 krizi için) söz konusu.
175. sayfalarda başlayan kısa Y kuşağı analizini ise bir çeşitlendirme olarak eklemişler kanaatindeyim. Ancak, bence yüzeysel kalan bu analize kategorik olarak da katılmıyorum.
Bir kuşağı 'Baby-Boomer' olarak etiketleyebilirsiniz ve kısa ve orta vadede katma değer üretmekten başka bir seçeneği olmayan bir dünyada buna karşı çıkan olmayabilir.
Ancak iş harflere, cebire gelince "kuşaklar arası gerçekten de mevcut olan farkları denklemleştirme-terk" eğiliminin kolaya kaçmanın da ötesinde saptırıcı nitelikte olduğu kanısındayım.
Y diye nitelendirilen kuşaktan önceki diyelim ki a-b-c kuşaklarının özellikle materyalist açıdan oluşturduğu büyük soğurucu bir koalisyonun varlığından bahsetmeden, 2008 krizinin 'nihai hesaplaşma' niteliği taşımasından bahsedilmesinin boşa dönen kasnak misali hiçbir sonuç getirmeyeceğini düşünüyorum. İşte bu a-b-c kuşaklarının (Y kuşağını da içermez değildir!) bir suyun başını tutmuş olup her şeye sütre gerisinden extrapolasyon yapıyor olmaları göz ardı ediliyor denilebilir. Bu olgu göz önünde bulundurularak, krize yapısal olmasa da yapıcı bir yaklaşım getirilebilir kanaatindeyim.
Sonuç olarak yazarların ve diğer pek çok insanın da angajmanları ve bagajlarına rağmen diğer pek çok "birey" gibi tarih onları da aynı kavşağa yönlendiriyor. Bu nokta, en az bireyselliğe giydirildiği kadar; Marks'ın dünyanın büyük bir kısmına duyarsız topolojisini her şeye pusula yapma konformizminin de gözden geçirilmesinin gerektiği bir kavşak olacaktır.
Söz bir süreliğine kavşak ehlinin...
(3.15/5)
Eserin bende uyandırdığı genel fikir, özetle siyasetin ve özellikle devlet şeklinde görünen imitasyonların (kitapta Leviathan benzetmesi galiba) uzatmaları oynadığıdır ki katılmaktayım.
Kategorik olarak ayrışsalar da, bence eserin bir başka güzel yanı da özellikle Türkiye'de bolca görünen "20xy BÜYÜK KRİZ GELİYOR, KESİN GÖMERTECEK..." vb. yorumlara imza atan; "testi kırıldıktan sonra Testi Mühendisleri"nin çiğliğine bulaşmaması. Bilakis, o wishful thinking'ci abilerin, stüdyolarda üzerine saatlerce geviş getirerek döndürdüğü olguların mihenk taşının s.173'te basitçe 'redde rationem' olarak geçilmesi (o da 2008 krizi için) söz konusu.
175. sayfalarda başlayan kısa Y kuşağı analizini ise bir çeşitlendirme olarak eklemişler kanaatindeyim. Ancak, bence yüzeysel kalan bu analize kategorik olarak da katılmıyorum.
Bir kuşağı 'Baby-Boomer' olarak etiketleyebilirsiniz ve kısa ve orta vadede katma değer üretmekten başka bir seçeneği olmayan bir dünyada buna karşı çıkan olmayabilir.
Ancak iş harflere, cebire gelince "kuşaklar arası gerçekten de mevcut olan farkları denklemleştirme-terk" eğiliminin kolaya kaçmanın da ötesinde saptırıcı nitelikte olduğu kanısındayım.
Y diye nitelendirilen kuşaktan önceki diyelim ki a-b-c kuşaklarının özellikle materyalist açıdan oluşturduğu büyük soğurucu bir koalisyonun varlığından bahsetmeden, 2008 krizinin 'nihai hesaplaşma' niteliği taşımasından bahsedilmesinin boşa dönen kasnak misali hiçbir sonuç getirmeyeceğini düşünüyorum. İşte bu a-b-c kuşaklarının (Y kuşağını da içermez değildir!) bir suyun başını tutmuş olup her şeye sütre gerisinden extrapolasyon yapıyor olmaları göz ardı ediliyor denilebilir. Bu olgu göz önünde bulundurularak, krize yapısal olmasa da yapıcı bir yaklaşım getirilebilir kanaatindeyim.
Sonuç olarak yazarların ve diğer pek çok insanın da angajmanları ve bagajlarına rağmen diğer pek çok "birey" gibi tarih onları da aynı kavşağa yönlendiriyor. Bu nokta, en az bireyselliğe giydirildiği kadar; Marks'ın dünyanın büyük bir kısmına duyarsız topolojisini her şeye pusula yapma konformizminin de gözden geçirilmesinin gerektiği bir kavşak olacaktır.
Söz bir süreliğine kavşak ehlinin...
(3.15/5)
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
February 22, 2023
كتب باومان تدفعني بالتفكير ان الحل هو الفناء ليأتي يوم القيامة و تحل كل مشاكل العالم
العالم اصبح عبثي للغاية و العولمة انهكت الكل و العالم في صدد ازمة تفوق الكساد العالمي في مطلع القرن العشرين و نحن على مشرفه لازمات لا حل لها الا فناء الارض و من عليها و ان الديموقراطية الشكليه التي يتبعها الغالم الغربي و الانانية العالمية و تداخل الاسواق في ظل العولمة و تاثرنا ببعضنا البعض هي اساس المشكله
انتهى
العالم اصبح عبثي للغاية و العولمة انهكت الكل و العالم في صدد ازمة تفوق الكساد العالمي في مطلع القرن العشرين و نحن على مشرفه لازمات لا حل لها الا فناء الارض و من عليها و ان الديموقراطية الشكليه التي يتبعها الغالم الغربي و الانانية العالمية و تداخل الاسواق في ظل العولمة و تاثرنا ببعضنا البعض هي اساس المشكله
انتهى
October 17, 2020
Söyleşi şeklinde ilerleyen ve derinlemesine olmasa da farklı düşünce pratiklerinin değerlendirilmesini okuyabileceğiniz daha çok sosyolojik analizler barındıran bir kitap. Kriz halinin devlet mefhumundaki izdüşümlerini farklı noktalardan okuyabilirsiniz.
January 9, 2025
Excelente ejercicio realizado por Zygmunt Bauman y Carlo Bordoni. Es impresionante cómo, a pesar del contexto en que se redactó este ejercicio, aún siguen siendo vigentes muchas observaciones realizadas en el diálogo.
September 21, 2017
The main point and conclusion is, respectively:
-We live in uncertain times. Both sociologists couldn't take a hint on what is to come. Some things are clear: power and politics don't cohabit the same spaces today. Which is worrying because people still try to find answers to the angst and anxiety, that came in with this post-modern and individual society, in traditional political ways. And, that is now impossible. The representative democracy model doesn't work anymore and nobody seems to have a solid new model to propose.
-Concluding, Bauman states that, although we cannot se the future ahead of us, there is one thing we must get rid for once: consumerism. Which is a classic modern society times characteristic.
-We live in uncertain times. Both sociologists couldn't take a hint on what is to come. Some things are clear: power and politics don't cohabit the same spaces today. Which is worrying because people still try to find answers to the angst and anxiety, that came in with this post-modern and individual society, in traditional political ways. And, that is now impossible. The representative democracy model doesn't work anymore and nobody seems to have a solid new model to propose.
-Concluding, Bauman states that, although we cannot se the future ahead of us, there is one thing we must get rid for once: consumerism. Which is a classic modern society times characteristic.
February 25, 2020
Birkac bölüm hariç iktisat merkezli bir kitap o yüzden pek açmadı beni ama tarihle ilgili bölüm nietszche heidegger ve hegel üzerinde düşünmekten başka çare bırakmadı
June 5, 2021
This is a small book composed of mainly three articles on the crisis of the state, crisis of modernity and the crisis of democracy. It briefly reminds the reader the theoretical backdrop of these issues but mainly focuses on the current social transformations we’ve been exposed to. In that sense, it’s basically asking, what will happen next? It offers a question rather than an answer. The best part of this book is the overall narrative, the dialogue between the authors and this semi-academic, semi-literary prose almost floating peacefully towards a giant waterfall!
February 11, 2018
Me pareció una lectura bastante tediosa y casi siempre pesimista. La mayoría del libro presenta todos los problemas, pero en realidad no llega a conclusiones bien definidas, y aunque hace un intento de presentar una solución a la crisis que expone, la presenta de una manera demasiado breve, escueta y para nada clara. Eso sí, tiene varios puntos interesantes que logran hacer unos reflexionar sobre la realidad de nuestra sociedad actual.
August 17, 2020
Excelente análisis de sociología referente a las crisis sociales y económicas desencadenadas por el liberalismo financiero y agudizada por la crisis económica de 2008.
Want to read
December 25, 2022جيد
August 24, 2024
أكثر من رائع 📚🤩✨️
October 27, 2020
Bauman e Bordoni, dois grandiosos sociólogos fundamentais para a compreensão das rupturas do sistema pós-moderno, se unem nesta obra, para, de forma aguda e viva desmembrar a conjuntura do sistema social e econômico das crises.
Dizer que a obra é superficial, é um erro crasso, uma vez, que, os estudiosos nos apresentam uma abundância de temas a serem questionados preliminarmente, para, que, assim, se possa vir a compreender a crise perpétua pelo qual o mundo ocidental vivência.
Em suma, estamos diante da necessidade de conceituar crise, para posteriormente encaixa-la nas ações políticas democráticas da economia capitalista.
Nesse tempo, munidos dos ensinamentos de Weber, Hobbes, Habermas, Schmitt, os autores passeiam pelas crises da sociedade em massa, do papel da economia capitalista, da emergência de novos políticos, a fim de elucidar que, as crises enfrentadas, são legados do processo de globalização.
Como se sabe, Bauman é extremamente ligado à compreensão da modernidade, dos procedimentos de globalização, logo, de forma magistral, consegue nos inserir tanto no aspecto moral das crises, como à questões como inflação, estagnação e terrorismo, tudo isso, com o grandioso questionamento de qual o papel do Estado frente a esse embate e como isso afetará o sistema democrático, sendo, portanto a nós, preocupados com a democracia, fundamental a leitura da obra.
Dizer que a obra é superficial, é um erro crasso, uma vez, que, os estudiosos nos apresentam uma abundância de temas a serem questionados preliminarmente, para, que, assim, se possa vir a compreender a crise perpétua pelo qual o mundo ocidental vivência.
Em suma, estamos diante da necessidade de conceituar crise, para posteriormente encaixa-la nas ações políticas democráticas da economia capitalista.
Nesse tempo, munidos dos ensinamentos de Weber, Hobbes, Habermas, Schmitt, os autores passeiam pelas crises da sociedade em massa, do papel da economia capitalista, da emergência de novos políticos, a fim de elucidar que, as crises enfrentadas, são legados do processo de globalização.
Como se sabe, Bauman é extremamente ligado à compreensão da modernidade, dos procedimentos de globalização, logo, de forma magistral, consegue nos inserir tanto no aspecto moral das crises, como à questões como inflação, estagnação e terrorismo, tudo isso, com o grandioso questionamento de qual o papel do Estado frente a esse embate e como isso afetará o sistema democrático, sendo, portanto a nós, preocupados com a democracia, fundamental a leitura da obra.
December 14, 2015
Můj experiment s poněkud levicovějším čtením:
Knižní esejový rozhovor Bordoniho s Baumanem řeší dnešní krizi ("Stát v krizi" jako nacházet se v krizi, stejně jako instituce v krizi), kterou ukazuje jako krizi státu, společnosti, demokracie kapitalistického hospodářství. Je to kniha o zradě slibů a beznaději popsané výroky typu: „Neexistuje tak nic, ani malý paprsek světla na konci tunelu, co by vyvažovalo frustraci elektorátu a utišilo jeho hněv“. Tyto až hysterické teze o současném stavu světa nejsou přesvědčivě podpořeny. Vlastně vůbec, argumenty typu „když se rozhlédneme kolem sebe, vidíme…“ na mě nezapůsobily.
Díky formě pro mě bylo obtížné sledovat, co to všechno znamená, je to takové přemýšlení nahlas: u Baumana zajímavé (třeba oddělení moci od politiky a některé reakce na Bordoniho), u Bordoniho není z mého pohledu o co stát. Překlad Barbory Votavové je povedený, ale pro zájemce o Baumana bych doporučil něco bez jeho italského kolegy.
Knižní esejový rozhovor Bordoniho s Baumanem řeší dnešní krizi ("Stát v krizi" jako nacházet se v krizi, stejně jako instituce v krizi), kterou ukazuje jako krizi státu, společnosti, demokracie kapitalistického hospodářství. Je to kniha o zradě slibů a beznaději popsané výroky typu: „Neexistuje tak nic, ani malý paprsek světla na konci tunelu, co by vyvažovalo frustraci elektorátu a utišilo jeho hněv“. Tyto až hysterické teze o současném stavu světa nejsou přesvědčivě podpořeny. Vlastně vůbec, argumenty typu „když se rozhlédneme kolem sebe, vidíme…“ na mě nezapůsobily.
Díky formě pro mě bylo obtížné sledovat, co to všechno znamená, je to takové přemýšlení nahlas: u Baumana zajímavé (třeba oddělení moci od politiky a některé reakce na Bordoniho), u Bordoniho není z mého pohledu o co stát. Překlad Barbory Votavové je povedený, ale pro zájemce o Baumana bych doporučil něco bez jeho italského kolegy.
April 24, 2016
Un Estado en Crisis nos prepara para lo peor, es expropiado de sus funciones de poder y las supranacionales aún más de él.
Y pude aplicarlo a Honduras, donde el estatismo sin Estado nos ha convertido en áreas para que la mano invisible se justifique y deprede todo lo que hay a nuestro alrededor. La desmasificación posmoderna, el sujeto moderno y posmoderno, las ideologías privatizadas.. definitivamente son conceptos que nos definen.
Bauman, "las calles ocupan al pueblo"
Y pude aplicarlo a Honduras, donde el estatismo sin Estado nos ha convertido en áreas para que la mano invisible se justifique y deprede todo lo que hay a nuestro alrededor. La desmasificación posmoderna, el sujeto moderno y posmoderno, las ideologías privatizadas.. definitivamente son conceptos que nos definen.
Bauman, "las calles ocupan al pueblo"
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