Antony Beevor's book is a compelling, meticulously researched study of the Battle of Stalingrad.
The first time the German people heard of the city of Stalingrad as a military objective was only two weeks before Hitler, who had never wanted his troops to become involved in street-fighting in Moscow or Leningrad, became determined to sieze this city "at any price." As Beevor explains, the events on the Caucasus Front, supposedly the Führer's main priority, played a major role in his decision. On 7 September, a day when Heider noted "satisfying progress at Stalingrad", Hitler displayed his exasperation at the failure to advance in the Caucasus. He refused to accept that Field Marshal List didn't have enough troops for the task.
After the triumphs in Poland, Scandinavia, and France, Beevor explains, Hitler was often ready to despise "mundane requirements", such as fuel supplies and manpower shortages, "as if he were above the normal material constraints of war." When General Alfred Jodl, having just returned from a visit to List's headquarters, pointed out to the Führer that List had only followed his orders, Hitler screamed, "That's a lie!" and stormed out. Beevor argues that this outburst had brought the Führer "to a sort of psychological frontier.": General Warlimont was so shocked by Hitler's "long stare of burning hate" that he thought "he has realized that his fatal gamble is over, that Soviet Russia is not going to be beaten in this second attempt."
According to Beevor, Hitler probably did sense the truth, but he still couldn't accept it. The Volga was cut and Stalingrad's war industries destroyed – both the goals defined in Operation Blue (the main Nazi offensive in southern Russia). Yet, he now desired to capture the city named after Stalin, as though this in itself would achieve the subjugation of the enemy by other means. "The dangerous dreamer had turned to symbolic victory for compensation," writes Beevor.
As he shows, one or two spectacular successes sustained the illusion that Stalingrad "would be the crucible in which to prove the superiority of German might." On the north front, Russians sent in Lend-Lease American tanks, which with their thin protection, proved easier to knock out. The Soviet crews complained, "The tanks are no good. The valves go to pieces, the engine overheats and the transmission is no use." This is the reason why Count von Strachwitz, the commander of the 16th Panzer Division, destroyed more than a hundred of them, thus achieving the needed "spectacular victory."
However, although Soviet attacks at this point were appallingly wasteful and incompetent, there could be no doubt about the determination to defend Stalingrad at any cost. It was a resolve that more than matched the determination of the invader. "The hour of courage has struck on the clock..." quotes Beevor Anna Akhmatova's poem. As he also reveals, since the fall of Rostov, any means of igniting resistance had become permissible: on September 8, a picture in Stalingrad Front newspaper showed "a frightened girl with her limbs bound. 'What if your beloved girl is tied up like this by fascists?' said the caption. 'First they'll rape her insolently, then throw her under a tank. Advance warrior. Shoot the enemy. Your duty is to prevent the violator from raping your girl.'"
So, although when the first phase of the German onslaught began on September 13, the Germans made progress into the western edge of the city, capturing the small airfield and some barracks, the fighting proved to be much harder than they'd expected. Many privately realized that they might well be spending the winter in Stalingrad, mentions Beevor.
The struggle became especially intense for the Mamaev Kurgan. If the Germans took it, they could control the Volga, so they counterattacked again and again for days. Yet, General Rodimtsev's troops managed to hold on to the Kurgan, and the German 295th Infantry Division was "fought to a standstill." "Their losses were so heavy," describes Beevor, "that companies were merged. Officer casualties were particularly high, largely due to Russian snipers. After less than two weeks in the line, a company in Colonel Korfes's regiment of the 295th Infantry Division was on the its third commander, a young lieutenant."
Gradually, German soldiers, "red-eyed with exhaustion from the hard fighting, and mourning more comrades than they ever imagined", were losing their victorious mood. Hitler's frustrations over the lack of success in the Caucasus and at Stalingrad, meanwhile, reached its zenith when he dismissed General Haider, the chief of the Army General Staff. This dismissal, Beevor asserts, marked the tragic end of the general staff as an independent planning body. In addition, Hitler had said that with the Sixth Army "he could storm the heavens", yet Stalingrad still did not fall...
According to Beevor, the fighting in Stalingrad was remarkable because it represented a whole new form of warfare, concentrated "in the ruins of civillian life." The waste of war – shell cases, burnt-out tanks, and grenade boxes – was mixed with the wreckages of family homes. Soviet writer Vasily Grossman depicted "fighting in the brick-strewn, half-demolished rooms and corridors of apartment blocks, where there might stoll be a vase on the table, or a boy's homework open on the table." German infantrymen hated house-to-house combat, narrates Beevor. They found it "psychologically disorientating." During the last phases of the September battles, both sides had struggled to capture a warehouse on the Volga bank. At one point, it was "like a layered cake with Germans on the top floor, Russians below them, and more Germans underneath them." Often the enemy was unrecognizable, "with every uniform impregnated by the same dun-coloured dust."
On top of that, German generals did not even imagine what awaited their divisions inside the ruined city. As Beevor explains, since they lost their Blitzkrieg priorities, they were in many ways thrown back to WWI techniques. For instance, the Sixth Army had to respond to Soviet tactics with "storm-wedges" introduced in 1918: "assault groups of ten men armed with a machine-gun, light mortar and flame-throwers for clearing bunkers, cellars, sewers."
Thus, Antony Beevor shows that the fighting in Stalingrad was extremely terrifying. It possessed "savage intimacy," which horrified German generals, who felt they were rapidly losing control over events. "The enemy is invisible," wrote General Strecker to a friend. "Ambushes out of basements, wall remnants, hidden bunkers, and factory ruins produce heavy casualties among our troops."
Much of the fighting now consisted not of major attacks, but of relentless little conflicts, and the war turned into "stationary annihilation." German troops believed that they had been lured into a trap.
Antony Beevor's brilliant work succeeds in showing the experience of troops on both sides. The author draws upon a wide range of material, from Russian archives to war diaries, personal accounts, letters, and NKVD interrogations of German POWs. He creates a no-holds-bared account not only of the battle itself, with its logistics, strategies, and reality, but also of extraordinary events such as disertion of Soviet soldiers, incompetence, self-inflicted wounds, and drunkenness. For example, he reveals the shocking fact that the Soviet authorities executed around 13,500 of their own soldiers at Stalingrad, a demonstration of the brutal coercion used against diserters by the NKVD.
Stalingrad: The Fateful Siege is a very well written history of the ideologically important battle. My only complaint is that it's awfully short of maps. Otherwise, I highly recommend it to all WWII buffs.