The introduction to Mamdani’s book made me cry. Several times. Without surprise, the text is arguably most powerful when it utilizes quotes by those who lived through the genocide, such as Mectilde’s story in Chapter Seven. Mamdani aims to make the Rwandan genocide “thinkable.” He does so by making many distinctions for his reader: distinctions between direct and indirect colonial rule (Rwanda is a “halfway house” between the two, neither one nor the other), between cultural and political identity (Hutu and Tutsi were political identities institutionalized by colonialism), distinctions between racialization and ethnicization (the Hutus and Tutsis were racialized under colonial rule not ethnicized), and distinctions between natives and nonnatives (Hutus were constructed as natives while Tutsis were constructed as nonnative even if colonized, a fact that helped to justify violence against them). Perhaps one the more brilliant aspects of Mamdani's analysis is the way he utilizes a regional approach. He helps the reader see that while many assume the genocide must be the outcome of processes that unfolded within the state boundary of Rwanda, this assumption ignores the regional processes that were simultaneously occurring; processes that must be taken into account if we are to stand any chance of seriously comprehending the genocide.
The text reminds of Fanon, if for no other reason than Mamdani uses him often, along with Hannah Arendt (which I deeply appreciated), to conceptualize race and racial violence, but we can also see traces of the boundaries of Wimmer here, with the idea of a sense of belonging through common ancestry (whether authentic or colonially constructed) seemingly reigning supreme. Mamdani takes his time throughout the text, even devoting considerable space to the “Hamitic hypothesis” in Chapter Three, where he traces the history of how the Tutsis came to be seen as nonindigenous Hamites. This section, especially the religious origins of the belief, was most peculiar (here we have the delusional belief of Africans who are actually Caucasian under their skin but cursed).
Mamdani makes clear that he is concerned with political identities in this book, identities produced by and formed inside of the (post)colonial state. Most of the exploration of these identities is merely a build up to get to the meat of the text in Chapter Seven, where he works through the “morally troublesome fact” that the genocide was carried out by subaltern masses even if organized by state functionaries. He closes, as he argues he “needs to,” with real obstacles that might be in the way of democratizing public life in a postgenocide Rwanda.