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Beaten Down, Worked Up: The Past, Present, and Future of American Labor
“A page-turning book that spans a century of worker strikes.... Engrossing, character-driven, panoramic.” — The New York Times Book Review
We live in an era of soaring corporate profits and anemic wage gains, one in which low-paid jobs and blighted blue-collar communities have become a common feature of our nation’s landscape. Behind these trends lies a little-discussed problem: the decades-long decline in worker power.
Award-winning journalist and author Steven Greenhouse guides us through the key episodes and trends in history that are essential to understanding some of our nation’s most pressing problems, including increased income inequality, declining social mobility, and the concentration of political power in the hands of the wealthy few. He exposes the modern labor landscape with the stories of dozens of American workers, from GM employees to Uber drivers to underpaid schoolteachers. Their fight to take power back is crucial for America’s future, and Greenhouse proposes concrete, feasible ways in which workers’ collective power can be—and is being—rekindled and reimagined in the twenty-first century.
Beaten Down, Worked Up is a stirring and essential look at labor in America, poised as it is between the tumultuous struggles of the past and the vital, hopeful struggles ahead.
A PBS NewsHour Now Read This Book Club Pick
We live in an era of soaring corporate profits and anemic wage gains, one in which low-paid jobs and blighted blue-collar communities have become a common feature of our nation’s landscape. Behind these trends lies a little-discussed problem: the decades-long decline in worker power.
Award-winning journalist and author Steven Greenhouse guides us through the key episodes and trends in history that are essential to understanding some of our nation’s most pressing problems, including increased income inequality, declining social mobility, and the concentration of political power in the hands of the wealthy few. He exposes the modern labor landscape with the stories of dozens of American workers, from GM employees to Uber drivers to underpaid schoolteachers. Their fight to take power back is crucial for America’s future, and Greenhouse proposes concrete, feasible ways in which workers’ collective power can be—and is being—rekindled and reimagined in the twenty-first century.
Beaten Down, Worked Up is a stirring and essential look at labor in America, poised as it is between the tumultuous struggles of the past and the vital, hopeful struggles ahead.
A PBS NewsHour Now Read This Book Club Pick
416 pages, Hardcover
First published August 6, 2019
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 126 reviews
September 30, 2023
I read about this book in an article in Atlantic Monthly and as it sounded interesting, decided to read it myself. I am from a town that used to be called the Gibraltar of Unionism and am well versed in the labor history of Butte, Montana and I also know about some of the more well known labor battles when the National Guard was called in and took the side of the employer against the workers but I am amazed how much I didn't know. When I first started teaching in Seattle, I taught Washington State history and learned what a vibrant history labor had here and now I have learned much more from this well written and researched book. From the UAW sit ins in Flint to Walter Reuther who was such an amazing labor leader. I had heard of him but never knew how dedicated he was in fighting for working people.
The book is clearly pro labor but Greenhouse pulls no punches when dealing with ineffective labor leaders like George Meany or of corruption that has occasionally occurred within the movement- an example would be the Longshoreman's union in New York where they worked with the Mafia.
A significant section of the book deals with more recent organizing at a time when unions have become less popular. He writes about the hotel workers in Las Vegas who have fought endlessly for fair pay and conditions resulting in most of the hotels along the strip being unionized. He also devoted a chapter to the tomato pickers in Florida who fought against amazing odds and managed to create a union where the members have vastly improved their working conditions as well as their wages.
The book was published in 2019 and so does not speak of the recent success and organizing that have been occurring in the country. I have hardly touched on the events featured in the book but if you have any interest in the topic, I recommend it highly.
The book is clearly pro labor but Greenhouse pulls no punches when dealing with ineffective labor leaders like George Meany or of corruption that has occasionally occurred within the movement- an example would be the Longshoreman's union in New York where they worked with the Mafia.
A significant section of the book deals with more recent organizing at a time when unions have become less popular. He writes about the hotel workers in Las Vegas who have fought endlessly for fair pay and conditions resulting in most of the hotels along the strip being unionized. He also devoted a chapter to the tomato pickers in Florida who fought against amazing odds and managed to create a union where the members have vastly improved their working conditions as well as their wages.
The book was published in 2019 and so does not speak of the recent success and organizing that have been occurring in the country. I have hardly touched on the events featured in the book but if you have any interest in the topic, I recommend it highly.
July 24, 2019
Beaten Down, Worked Up reads like a long newspaper article. It's an addictive feeling for me. One chapter was done, and I was already longing for another. The only reason why I didn't binge read this was because I wanted to take time for the wealth of information to sink in.
Summarizing Beaten Down, Worked Up would be a disservice to the decades of history it contains. Greenhouse digs up pasts that have been forgotten or silenced by pop culture. If nothing else, he highlights things taken for granted nowadays without active awareness.
*Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated shortly after his public support for sanitation worker union protests; labor unions was always included in his fight for equality message.
*Frances Perkins is who we have to thank for a federal minimum wage, prohibiting child labor, and any pensions for the elderly or unemployed.
*Communism (of all things) was used as a primary excuse to reject giving chairs to retail workers.
*And dozens of other tidbits that are more satisfying if they are read with context.
Throughout the book, it's almost comical the lengths corporations have went to forbid any amendments. Some are textbook excuses like "It will hurt profits" or "They (the starving workers) just want more money, so they should get another job and work harder!" Then there are the slimier deeds of hiring Pinkerton spies to bust unions, hiring beatings on the most outspoken labor speakers, unlawfully firing whistleblowers at the first threat they pose, or "donating" to anti-union politicians for federal legislation notions.
Yet Greenhouse's citations are extensive, ranging from personal interviews, news reports, other labor books, and government documents. Including them sweetened the impact of certain revelations. It's fun and sobering to have my mind blown a second time upon double-checking. Yeah, sometimes it can be that bad... or worse.
A part of me wishes that corporations have learned and reflected, but I already know that's not always the case. And worse, sometimes strikes are all that workers can do to be taken seriously. I'm sure that if we took the time to look, we'd find all sorts of horrible social media posts and news reports that discuss the blatant disregard given to workers.
Greenhouse presents both sides of the argument, but it's clear that he leans in support of labor unions. If you happen to think "Seattle is full "anti-American" tools," there's a high chance you might not like this book. I'd encourage the read anyway because it's a fascinating record that doesn't blame one particular political party. Both parties have flip-flopped on labor.
While it is not the most comprehensive of American labor history books (that would be quite the task, really), Beaten Down, Worked Up hits many of the beats that I liked. What's better is the ending statements are not dour nor bitter. They're filled with aspirations and determination for the future changes.
It looks grim with the recent Trump administration changes, but I prefer to grab onto hope for better living and working conditions than accepting a lopsided definition of the ordinary set into place by heads of corporations.
Thank you for writing this book, Greenhouse. It'll stay with me for years.
I received the book for free through Goodreads Giveaways.
Summarizing Beaten Down, Worked Up would be a disservice to the decades of history it contains. Greenhouse digs up pasts that have been forgotten or silenced by pop culture. If nothing else, he highlights things taken for granted nowadays without active awareness.
*Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated shortly after his public support for sanitation worker union protests; labor unions was always included in his fight for equality message.
*Frances Perkins is who we have to thank for a federal minimum wage, prohibiting child labor, and any pensions for the elderly or unemployed.
*Communism (of all things) was used as a primary excuse to reject giving chairs to retail workers.
*And dozens of other tidbits that are more satisfying if they are read with context.
Throughout the book, it's almost comical the lengths corporations have went to forbid any amendments. Some are textbook excuses like "It will hurt profits" or "They (the starving workers) just want more money, so they should get another job and work harder!" Then there are the slimier deeds of hiring Pinkerton spies to bust unions, hiring beatings on the most outspoken labor speakers, unlawfully firing whistleblowers at the first threat they pose, or "donating" to anti-union politicians for federal legislation notions.
Yet Greenhouse's citations are extensive, ranging from personal interviews, news reports, other labor books, and government documents. Including them sweetened the impact of certain revelations. It's fun and sobering to have my mind blown a second time upon double-checking. Yeah, sometimes it can be that bad... or worse.
A part of me wishes that corporations have learned and reflected, but I already know that's not always the case. And worse, sometimes strikes are all that workers can do to be taken seriously. I'm sure that if we took the time to look, we'd find all sorts of horrible social media posts and news reports that discuss the blatant disregard given to workers.
Greenhouse presents both sides of the argument, but it's clear that he leans in support of labor unions. If you happen to think "Seattle is full "anti-American" tools," there's a high chance you might not like this book. I'd encourage the read anyway because it's a fascinating record that doesn't blame one particular political party. Both parties have flip-flopped on labor.
While it is not the most comprehensive of American labor history books (that would be quite the task, really), Beaten Down, Worked Up hits many of the beats that I liked. What's better is the ending statements are not dour nor bitter. They're filled with aspirations and determination for the future changes.
It looks grim with the recent Trump administration changes, but I prefer to grab onto hope for better living and working conditions than accepting a lopsided definition of the ordinary set into place by heads of corporations.
Thank you for writing this book, Greenhouse. It'll stay with me for years.
I received the book for free through Goodreads Giveaways.
September 12, 2020
any of my friends trying to learn about US labor history: i got you! read this! can't wait to read more about the labor-race-gender axes this book introduces.
February 9, 2020
I’m inspired. I’ve long been pro labor/pro union, but have conceded in recent years that the labor union as we knew it might be a thing of the past, and it very well might be — the key words being “labor union as we knew it.” But where this author does a fantastic job is describing more recent, innovative efforts undertaken by teachers, hotel workers, drivers, fast food workers, etc. — efforts taken in the same vein as labor movements of the past — but adapting to a new battlefield and new political climate. At the end of the day, large percentages of Americans — on the right and left, and in a political climate where we seem to disagree on everything — will tell you they strongly believe that an honest day’s work deserves an honest day’s pay. Groups who properly organize and articulate their message have had success in recent years. And as the author points out in several examples, some large companies and state and local governments have found that unions do not by default mean a confrontational environment that hurts the bottom line. Just the opposite. Organized labor and business can co-exist — and thrive. And on a side note, he provides examples of labor pursuing goals that coincide with goals of the environmental community. This is a book I’m tempted to buy multiple copies of to start handing out to friends and family.
December 28, 2019
Informative and riveting.
June 17, 2025
Great book. Workers of the world unite. 4.1 stars
February 14, 2020
This book is an episodic history of the US labor movement. It's not intended to be comprehensive - especially at the rise of labor. It mostly looks at how labor gained power, how it lost power - and the last third of the book discusses current attempts at labor activism to revitalize the movement.
Greenhouse, himself a former NYT reporter on the labor beat, notes that US labor has suffered greater losses than other industrial nations since 1995. Unlike other industrialized nations, it lacks legal right to vacation, paid sick leave, and maternity leave. Weak unions rarely strike. From 2010-17, there was per year just 13 private sector unions strikes featuring 1,000 workers. It was 83 in the 1980s (itself hardly a golden age for the labor movement). From 1948-73, productivity and pay both went up. That's no longer the case. Hourly pay is at its lowest inflation-adjusted level since 1973 now. Meanwhile, CEO pay has gone up exponentially.
The section on labor's rise is especially brief. You get the Progressive Era garment workers organizing, and the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire. Frances Perkins becomes a leading government advocate for labor, eventually ending up in FDR's cabinet. Sit-down strikes help organize industrial labor. The big hero for Greenhouse is Walter Reuther. He helped create the Treaty of Detroit. A long-term contract with a no-strike pledge for the contract - but with a healthy pension, a nice COLA, and good terms for the workers. It becomes a model for other industries, and helps the working class join the middle class. It also discusses the Memphis garbage workers strike that MLK supported at the very end of his life.
The book gets into more detail on the fall of labor. Reagan busted the air traffic controllers strike in 1981, ending the era of labor peace begun with the Treaty of Detroit. Dodge Phelps, the Chicago Tribune, Eastern Airlines, Greyhound, International Paper and others beat unions. There were 289 strikes per year with 1,000+ workers in the 1970s, but only a fraction of that in the 1980s. The old industrial heart was re-Christened the Rust Belt. Truck deregulation hurt teamsters. Lockouts became more common. Labor leaders weren't as inspiring. George Meany had no interest in labor organizing, and when the AFL & CIO merged, the AFL became more like the CIO instead of vice-versa. Meany didn't give a damn about organizing women and minorities. Some unions were pretty corrupt, most obviously the teamsters. Union-busting became its own industry, and often violated the laws, but with minimal legal response. In 2017, Tennessee government officials largely stopped a VW from unionizing, even though VW itself was amenable to unions.
After the decades of being beaten down, Greenhouse notices signs of labor getting worked up in the 21st century. There were attempts by Uber drivers to organize, which is tricky but made more headway than I would've guessed. Labor found a new rally cry that galvanized people: The Fight for $15. It began with fast food workers, and had some success at individual McDonalds locations, but couldn't make headway with corporate offices. So they focused on government laws instead. They had some wins and some losses, but even the losses often caused ripple effects, as places raised wages - not to $15, but more than before. Even states like Arkansas, Alaska, South Dakota, and Nebraska passed minimum wage increases. The Las Vegas culinary union serves as a model for success. It may not be replicable for everywhere but it is still a great success story for labor in the 21st century. Migrant labor even had some success once they focused on places that carried products, getting concessions from McDonalds and Taco Bell on where they get their tomatoes from, and most remarkably of all getting a concession from Wal-Mart. Los Angeles became union-friendly.
Overall, it's a good book. It's good too much history to really be about current life, but it's better on current issues than the history of it.
Greenhouse, himself a former NYT reporter on the labor beat, notes that US labor has suffered greater losses than other industrial nations since 1995. Unlike other industrialized nations, it lacks legal right to vacation, paid sick leave, and maternity leave. Weak unions rarely strike. From 2010-17, there was per year just 13 private sector unions strikes featuring 1,000 workers. It was 83 in the 1980s (itself hardly a golden age for the labor movement). From 1948-73, productivity and pay both went up. That's no longer the case. Hourly pay is at its lowest inflation-adjusted level since 1973 now. Meanwhile, CEO pay has gone up exponentially.
The section on labor's rise is especially brief. You get the Progressive Era garment workers organizing, and the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire. Frances Perkins becomes a leading government advocate for labor, eventually ending up in FDR's cabinet. Sit-down strikes help organize industrial labor. The big hero for Greenhouse is Walter Reuther. He helped create the Treaty of Detroit. A long-term contract with a no-strike pledge for the contract - but with a healthy pension, a nice COLA, and good terms for the workers. It becomes a model for other industries, and helps the working class join the middle class. It also discusses the Memphis garbage workers strike that MLK supported at the very end of his life.
The book gets into more detail on the fall of labor. Reagan busted the air traffic controllers strike in 1981, ending the era of labor peace begun with the Treaty of Detroit. Dodge Phelps, the Chicago Tribune, Eastern Airlines, Greyhound, International Paper and others beat unions. There were 289 strikes per year with 1,000+ workers in the 1970s, but only a fraction of that in the 1980s. The old industrial heart was re-Christened the Rust Belt. Truck deregulation hurt teamsters. Lockouts became more common. Labor leaders weren't as inspiring. George Meany had no interest in labor organizing, and when the AFL & CIO merged, the AFL became more like the CIO instead of vice-versa. Meany didn't give a damn about organizing women and minorities. Some unions were pretty corrupt, most obviously the teamsters. Union-busting became its own industry, and often violated the laws, but with minimal legal response. In 2017, Tennessee government officials largely stopped a VW from unionizing, even though VW itself was amenable to unions.
After the decades of being beaten down, Greenhouse notices signs of labor getting worked up in the 21st century. There were attempts by Uber drivers to organize, which is tricky but made more headway than I would've guessed. Labor found a new rally cry that galvanized people: The Fight for $15. It began with fast food workers, and had some success at individual McDonalds locations, but couldn't make headway with corporate offices. So they focused on government laws instead. They had some wins and some losses, but even the losses often caused ripple effects, as places raised wages - not to $15, but more than before. Even states like Arkansas, Alaska, South Dakota, and Nebraska passed minimum wage increases. The Las Vegas culinary union serves as a model for success. It may not be replicable for everywhere but it is still a great success story for labor in the 21st century. Migrant labor even had some success once they focused on places that carried products, getting concessions from McDonalds and Taco Bell on where they get their tomatoes from, and most remarkably of all getting a concession from Wal-Mart. Los Angeles became union-friendly.
Overall, it's a good book. It's good too much history to really be about current life, but it's better on current issues than the history of it.
September 27, 2019
I learned a lot about organized labor that I had previously overlooked. The book primarily focuses on a handful of big labor movements, both wins and losses, and provides some suggestions on how the labor movement could get restarted. I knew labor unions were down but wasn’t aware how much so. Where I think this book could be better is trying to talk more about why people dislike labor unions and how they’ve been abused, outside of just saying billionaires hate them. Providing a rounder argument could be helpful even though I walked away much more sympathetic to labor in general now that I’m more informed.
February 26, 2022
Made me want to quit my job and go work for labor.
January 17, 2021
A good broadview of labor in America from the beginning of the 20th century until now. He mentions a number of good texts to reference or read if you want to get more into understanding labor in America and so it also feels like an effective intro reader. I'm only knocking off a star because it felt like he wanted to just finish the thing in the last chapter. I wish there had been a little bit more of a "what does the future of labor look like" piece that puts everything else he'd written about in context. Greenhouse gets into some of that during the historical sections of the book, and more so when he covers things that have happened since 2000 like the development of the CIW, SPFT, and LA going pro labor, but the conclusion of the book just falters a little.
I'll theorize that a reason he doesn't go deep into "the future" is that the future of labor is.... not great, at least not as far as actual unions go. Outside small instances Culinary in Las Vegas, unionization is down and unions are weaker than they've ever been. He even acknowledges that part of the reason that the Culinary is so successful is because the proportion of the workforce that works directly with customers is abnormally large. In the last couple chapters especially speaking on LA becoming pro labor and the #RedforEd movement he basically makes the same conclusion that someone like Gar Alperovitz would: Unions are dying and rapidly approaching extinction minus a massive change in how DC operates. Labors wins in the past decade or two have been due to community organizing and making labor negotiations connected to other things in the community like groups like FNAAN in LA and RedforED.
Is there a place for "Big Labor" in that new kind of organizing? Maybe. The unions played a supporting role in St. Paul but I'm not sure that a lot of unions today would be ok with "not scoring the touchdown" in a big labor win, to steal a phrase from the book. On top of that "Big Labor" still struggles to keep up in terms of representation within its ranks of the workforce it is representing. A long way of saying they're historically mysogonystic and racist.
I'm a union member and happy to be one. It's nice to know the union has my back if the shit were to ever hit the fan. If movements like the ones in LA and the RedforEd movement were to catch on... wouldn't I rather have the whole community? Ideally its both.
Anyway read this book.
And fuck the Koch brothers
I'll theorize that a reason he doesn't go deep into "the future" is that the future of labor is.... not great, at least not as far as actual unions go. Outside small instances Culinary in Las Vegas, unionization is down and unions are weaker than they've ever been. He even acknowledges that part of the reason that the Culinary is so successful is because the proportion of the workforce that works directly with customers is abnormally large. In the last couple chapters especially speaking on LA becoming pro labor and the #RedforEd movement he basically makes the same conclusion that someone like Gar Alperovitz would: Unions are dying and rapidly approaching extinction minus a massive change in how DC operates. Labors wins in the past decade or two have been due to community organizing and making labor negotiations connected to other things in the community like groups like FNAAN in LA and RedforED.
Is there a place for "Big Labor" in that new kind of organizing? Maybe. The unions played a supporting role in St. Paul but I'm not sure that a lot of unions today would be ok with "not scoring the touchdown" in a big labor win, to steal a phrase from the book. On top of that "Big Labor" still struggles to keep up in terms of representation within its ranks of the workforce it is representing. A long way of saying they're historically mysogonystic and racist.
I'm a union member and happy to be one. It's nice to know the union has my back if the shit were to ever hit the fan. If movements like the ones in LA and the RedforEd movement were to catch on... wouldn't I rather have the whole community? Ideally its both.
Anyway read this book.
And fuck the Koch brothers
January 27, 2025
A very well-researched and well-constructed book! The books covers unionization across many industries, ranging from automotive to healthcare to hospitality to education to textile and more. The author details specific events leading up to notable labor laws in the US, and also gives a historical account of how the role and image of unions evolved over the course. The book is also pretty balanced as in it both rightfully criticizes some corporations and politicians but also recognizes those who worked alongside unions. Similarly he also shows when and how unions fell short in their duties and what unions and labor activists in the US can learn from laws and operations in other countries. Overall a great book for anyone coming to this topic from any perspective. I highly recommend!
October 4, 2020
Greenhouse tells the history of labor through the eyes of dozens of workers, all of different locations and trades. Of particular interest to me was the chapter on public educators, who have long been unionized, but often under-appreciated. I really liked the community approach that was successfully implemented to help strengthen and organize a weak union. I still don’t understand how the US can be so wealthy, but unwilling to address income inequality.
April 29, 2020
Really solid coverage of recent labor history and a look towards the future
January 28, 2025
made me want to quit my job and work for labor…. oh wait just kidding i already do that
October 13, 2019
An accessible, informative, sympathetic but critical survey of labor history and the current state of the labor movement.
January 15, 2020
Excellent review of modern labor movements in the US. Makes the case for the importance of labor unions and how they can adapt to support workers in our modern world.
April 27, 2025
It was just okay, nothing special.
September 20, 2019
Greenhouse writes in depth of the history and current state of American labor and specifically highlights labor unions. Starting in the late 19th century all the way to 2019, Greenhouse touches on specific events and organizations that have shaped American labor.
I decided to read this book for a few reasons, one being that my father was part of a union (IBEW) for nearly 50 years, and his father before him. He always spoke highly of the union and what it has done not only for our family, but for millions of families in America. I have been disappointed at the treatment of labor unions recently and has someone who has recently become a laborer, I want to feel that I too am protected. Not only do I want to care for myself, but I believe everyone should be treated fairly and not have concerns about their health and safety at work. Unfortunately, this is far from the reality even in the U.S.
Greenhouse is very clearly a union supporter whose goal is to help inform the public of the benefits of worker rights. The book is not non-biased, but it isn't meant to be. Greenhouse is understandably angry about the treatment of workers in the U.S and is attempting to educate people on the unfair practices. He does not only mention the injustices, but proposes solutions as well! It is very easy to complain, but to also include solutions to the problems is vital. This was an incredibly important aspect of the book that Greenhouse did a fantastic job of.
I would highly recommend this book for people not only in the U.S but for anyone. We need to come together as people, not corporations, to rise up and fight for all peoples rights.
I decided to read this book for a few reasons, one being that my father was part of a union (IBEW) for nearly 50 years, and his father before him. He always spoke highly of the union and what it has done not only for our family, but for millions of families in America. I have been disappointed at the treatment of labor unions recently and has someone who has recently become a laborer, I want to feel that I too am protected. Not only do I want to care for myself, but I believe everyone should be treated fairly and not have concerns about their health and safety at work. Unfortunately, this is far from the reality even in the U.S.
Greenhouse is very clearly a union supporter whose goal is to help inform the public of the benefits of worker rights. The book is not non-biased, but it isn't meant to be. Greenhouse is understandably angry about the treatment of workers in the U.S and is attempting to educate people on the unfair practices. He does not only mention the injustices, but proposes solutions as well! It is very easy to complain, but to also include solutions to the problems is vital. This was an incredibly important aspect of the book that Greenhouse did a fantastic job of.
I would highly recommend this book for people not only in the U.S but for anyone. We need to come together as people, not corporations, to rise up and fight for all peoples rights.
August 5, 2022
TOP THREE BOOKS I'VE EVER READ AND IT'S NOT TWO OR THREE. Literally flawless except it loses a tiny bit of steam at the end but can't emphasize how good this book was, how much I learned from it, or how highly I recommend it. It literally brought me to near-tears multiple times. It also contains a bunch of other good book recommendations so excited to read those.
April 30, 2021
Excellent review of American labor: the good, the bad, the ugly. Makes me realize how nothing is ever black and white. Unions are not always on the right side but they are not always on the wrong side. This book is so informative and measured. Learning from history to build a better future for business and labor.
September 23, 2019
Many of the stories in this book are familiar to those of us who have worked in the labor movement over the past 40 years. But Greenhouse tells these stories well. He documents the rise and fall of the labor movement over the past 100 years and then talks about future directions. He seems pretty pessimistic about the future of the established labor movement, that they have become too bureaucratic and cautious. The future seems to be in the quasi-labor movement built around worker centers and other nascent organizations, like Red for Ed. He does end on a hopeful note and I want to be hopeful so that was encouraging. It is an important contribution and well worth reading, and discussing.
September 3, 2019
Meticulously researched and wide in sweep, Greenhouse sets in context the hardships labor has endured for the past several decades and the different strategies they have employed to try to reverse the slide. The public is more attracted to the labor movement but that hasn't fully manifested in successful organizing. This book explains part of why, and how that future can be set on the right course.
October 6, 2020
The author's sympathy towards his subject is apparent in this book's review of the U.S. labor movement's evolution from the turn of the 20th century to the Trump era. This is understandable, given the conditions of work resulting from the Industrial Revolution; the typical factory worker of the day endured mind-numbing monotony, long hours, dangerous working conditions, abusive supervisors and wages that didn't begin to cover the cost of living.
Greenhouse covers several key events in labor's rise and fall , including the genesis of the ILGWU and the Triangle Shirtwaist fire, the many strikes against auto makers over the years, the Memphis trash haulers' movement that drew Martin Luther to the city and his assassination, and the PETCO strike in which President Reagan fired air-traffic controllers in defiance of their demands. His view is that labor's decline as an economic force began with the dismantling of the PETCO union.
His narrative points out the justification for labor actions in these instances: low wages, little or no sick time or vacation pay, no limits on working hours, no medical or pension benefits, and no say in how businesses are run. Lest the reader think that labor's demise is due to satisfaction with pay and working conditions achieved over the years, he also covers current labor issues for workers in fast-food restaurants, hospitality staff and other lower-paid occupations. He cites management opposition, labor organizing rules that put unions at a disadvantage, globalization and the outsourcing of jobs to lower-wage countries as the main threats to fair pay for today's workers. The recent wave of teacher's strikes is a reminder that dissatisfaction with wage levels is not confined to blue-collar workers.
He also writes about current-day successes that don't rely on continuing hostility between labor and management, such as the health conglomerate Kaiser Permanente, and the Las Vegas Culinary Institute, which supplies more than just a forum for wage disputes in the city's hospitality industry.
He cites Germany as a model for labor unions, especially union participation in company management that firms employ.
Despite his generally favorable view of unions and their objectives , Greenhouse is critical of current labor management, arguing that they have become more bureaucratic, and less attuned to organizing and using political pressure to achieve benefits for their members.
I think his book would have achieved a better balance if he had discussed some of the potential downsides of minimum wage legislation, such as higher prices for products and services, a push towards automation, and decreased employment and working hours in businesses where increases have been adopted. In Seattle for example, many restaurants have closed since the minimum wage was increased to $15. There are many studies on this issue that could have been discussed to build a more well-rounded narrative.
Greenhouse covers several key events in labor's rise and fall , including the genesis of the ILGWU and the Triangle Shirtwaist fire, the many strikes against auto makers over the years, the Memphis trash haulers' movement that drew Martin Luther to the city and his assassination, and the PETCO strike in which President Reagan fired air-traffic controllers in defiance of their demands. His view is that labor's decline as an economic force began with the dismantling of the PETCO union.
His narrative points out the justification for labor actions in these instances: low wages, little or no sick time or vacation pay, no limits on working hours, no medical or pension benefits, and no say in how businesses are run. Lest the reader think that labor's demise is due to satisfaction with pay and working conditions achieved over the years, he also covers current labor issues for workers in fast-food restaurants, hospitality staff and other lower-paid occupations. He cites management opposition, labor organizing rules that put unions at a disadvantage, globalization and the outsourcing of jobs to lower-wage countries as the main threats to fair pay for today's workers. The recent wave of teacher's strikes is a reminder that dissatisfaction with wage levels is not confined to blue-collar workers.
He also writes about current-day successes that don't rely on continuing hostility between labor and management, such as the health conglomerate Kaiser Permanente, and the Las Vegas Culinary Institute, which supplies more than just a forum for wage disputes in the city's hospitality industry.
He cites Germany as a model for labor unions, especially union participation in company management that firms employ.
Despite his generally favorable view of unions and their objectives , Greenhouse is critical of current labor management, arguing that they have become more bureaucratic, and less attuned to organizing and using political pressure to achieve benefits for their members.
I think his book would have achieved a better balance if he had discussed some of the potential downsides of minimum wage legislation, such as higher prices for products and services, a push towards automation, and decreased employment and working hours in businesses where increases have been adopted. In Seattle for example, many restaurants have closed since the minimum wage was increased to $15. There are many studies on this issue that could have been discussed to build a more well-rounded narrative.
January 6, 2023
I don't have much to add so I will be brief: this is a really good, riveting read. The book takes on sort of a three-phase arc: the first being the early triumphs of the American labor movement, the second being the decline thereafter of the labor movement, and finally the victories and struggles of the present and future moment. As such, there's a bit of a thesis/antithesis/synthesis dynamic to the book and the struggle it outlines, as the last phase discusses something akin to alternative or hybrid models of unionization, workers' movements, and community benefit agreements.
Greenhouse's critiques and accolades are the honest sort of "fair and balanced," as we don't really get fair and balanced from anyone who uses that phrase. His even hand makes for a far more elucidating read. When Greenhouse introduces possible solutions in the final chapter, they are rendered all the more compelling and valid as a result.
Greenhouse's prose is crystal clear and even has an addictive quality; were I not exhausted and still trying to recuperate during my vacation, I would easily have made it through this book sooner. What also makes it so refreshing is that it - gasp - actually contains good news. As such it is an oasis among the endless cavalcade of apocalyptic horsemen bringing nothing but doom-scrolling and pessimism to the discourse.
This is an excellent primer and "first book" to delve into for folks curious about the labor movement. It's quite a feat what Greenhouse managed to deliver in this taut 338-page read, and on top of that, it is even a bit inspiring. Great work, Steven!
Greenhouse's critiques and accolades are the honest sort of "fair and balanced," as we don't really get fair and balanced from anyone who uses that phrase. His even hand makes for a far more elucidating read. When Greenhouse introduces possible solutions in the final chapter, they are rendered all the more compelling and valid as a result.
Greenhouse's prose is crystal clear and even has an addictive quality; were I not exhausted and still trying to recuperate during my vacation, I would easily have made it through this book sooner. What also makes it so refreshing is that it - gasp - actually contains good news. As such it is an oasis among the endless cavalcade of apocalyptic horsemen bringing nothing but doom-scrolling and pessimism to the discourse.
This is an excellent primer and "first book" to delve into for folks curious about the labor movement. It's quite a feat what Greenhouse managed to deliver in this taut 338-page read, and on top of that, it is even a bit inspiring. Great work, Steven!
November 30, 2019
Despite growing up in a household where my Dad literally worked as a union lawyer, I was surprised at how little I know about the history of the labor movement and the role it has played in fighting for and winning many of the workplace conditions we now take for granted -- reasonable hours, sick days, benefits, retirement savings, and more. The first section of the book deftfully wove together compelling individual stories with broader social narratives to highlight these historic accomplishments.
I was also captivated by the story of why unions and labor have declined so dramatically over the past few decades. While clearly pro-labor, the author was willing to lay much of the blame on union leadership and outdated tactics, while also highlighting the ascendence of conservative free market ideology and billionaire-funded think tanks and loving groups.
The final part of this book thankfully avoided a laundry list of dreams to recover unions, and instead focused on a few stories of inspiring recent union victories, ranging from farm workers in Florida to a progressive alliance across multiple industries in LA. I finished the book not entirely depressed about the future.
I was also captivated by the story of why unions and labor have declined so dramatically over the past few decades. While clearly pro-labor, the author was willing to lay much of the blame on union leadership and outdated tactics, while also highlighting the ascendence of conservative free market ideology and billionaire-funded think tanks and loving groups.
The final part of this book thankfully avoided a laundry list of dreams to recover unions, and instead focused on a few stories of inspiring recent union victories, ranging from farm workers in Florida to a progressive alliance across multiple industries in LA. I finished the book not entirely depressed about the future.
April 22, 2020
Beaten Down, Worked Up is a valuable read for anyone interested in the rights of workers, the history/status of unions, or the increasing power of corporations over labor in the last several decades. I am involved in a public-sector union, so I specifically wanted to seek more information on that topic. The author wrote the book from a very obvious pro-worker point of view, which was what I was looking for.
The book included a lot of union history, but it was not excessive and it was written in a very readable and accessible manner. Labor history can be very exhaustive, but the author selected key examples in labor history to show the ups and downs of unions since the 19th century.
The bulk of the book focuses on the last 30-40 years. The Great Depression-Post WWII era was the high point of labor rights in America, and that period represented the exception, not the rule in US history. Greenhouse was especially effective recounting the increase in power of corporations over labor following the infamous PATCO strike at the beginning of the Reagan presidency. Labor never recovered and is still struggling to organize workers in a world that is rapidly changing due to working from home, automation, and an increase in professional, white-collar work.
Greenhouse highlighted the downfall of traditional industrial unions, but did a masterful job showing how modern unions are evolving and scoring victories in non-traditional ways. In particular, his coverage of the #RedforEd teacher strikes was really great.
My only critique was that the book could have been a little tighter in terms of editing and there were some sections/chapters of the books that I found myself skimming because I was losing interest.
Overall it was a great read and I would definitely read another book by Steven Greenhouse.
The book included a lot of union history, but it was not excessive and it was written in a very readable and accessible manner. Labor history can be very exhaustive, but the author selected key examples in labor history to show the ups and downs of unions since the 19th century.
The bulk of the book focuses on the last 30-40 years. The Great Depression-Post WWII era was the high point of labor rights in America, and that period represented the exception, not the rule in US history. Greenhouse was especially effective recounting the increase in power of corporations over labor following the infamous PATCO strike at the beginning of the Reagan presidency. Labor never recovered and is still struggling to organize workers in a world that is rapidly changing due to working from home, automation, and an increase in professional, white-collar work.
Greenhouse highlighted the downfall of traditional industrial unions, but did a masterful job showing how modern unions are evolving and scoring victories in non-traditional ways. In particular, his coverage of the #RedforEd teacher strikes was really great.
My only critique was that the book could have been a little tighter in terms of editing and there were some sections/chapters of the books that I found myself skimming because I was losing interest.
Overall it was a great read and I would definitely read another book by Steven Greenhouse.
September 15, 2021
We used to identify "Big Labor" by the powerful unions in the manufacturing and transportation industries: teamsters, auto workers, steel, railroads, mining, etc. Big salaries, great benefits, job security, political clout and reliable pensions. Now the American labor movement is represented by the service industries. Low pay, limited or no health care, no job security, and no thought of retirement.
The chapters about Republican governors and state legislators undermining public service unions were especially revealing. Scott Walker in Wisconsin got it started, enabled by dark money from conservative, anti-union sources (Koch Brothers). These unions typically provided major financial support for Democratic candidates, so the Republican motives were pretty clear.
Finally, the strategies used by public school teachers in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Arizona and other states to gain wage increases and support and funding for their school systems show us how labor can overcome public opinion and hostile politicians. The teachers' successes were attributed not to their unions but to grass roots efforts organized on social media.
The chapters about Republican governors and state legislators undermining public service unions were especially revealing. Scott Walker in Wisconsin got it started, enabled by dark money from conservative, anti-union sources (Koch Brothers). These unions typically provided major financial support for Democratic candidates, so the Republican motives were pretty clear.
Finally, the strategies used by public school teachers in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Arizona and other states to gain wage increases and support and funding for their school systems show us how labor can overcome public opinion and hostile politicians. The teachers' successes were attributed not to their unions but to grass roots efforts organized on social media.
November 23, 2019
Steven Greenhouse who covered the labor front for many years for the New York Times writes a very readable and heavily researched treatise on the labor and worker movement in the U.S.
He mixes chapters on both labor and worker initiatives in the past and present. For example he delves into a progressive leader like Walter Reuther of the UAW and worker trends like in the Kaiser health organization, fast food minimum wage efforts and teacher strikes.
His last chapter talks about possible solutions for the future. In it he proposes ideas for labor unions to reset and become more effective in spite of weak labor laws in the U.S. that haven’t been strengthened in decades due to the overwhelming influence of money in our elections. The concept of one person, one vote has gone by the wayside like the back and white television.
Hopefully, employees who want to be empowered in the work place to restore the middle class in America to its once prominent position will be motivated by this valuable book.
He mixes chapters on both labor and worker initiatives in the past and present. For example he delves into a progressive leader like Walter Reuther of the UAW and worker trends like in the Kaiser health organization, fast food minimum wage efforts and teacher strikes.
His last chapter talks about possible solutions for the future. In it he proposes ideas for labor unions to reset and become more effective in spite of weak labor laws in the U.S. that haven’t been strengthened in decades due to the overwhelming influence of money in our elections. The concept of one person, one vote has gone by the wayside like the back and white television.
Hopefully, employees who want to be empowered in the work place to restore the middle class in America to its once prominent position will be motivated by this valuable book.
August 28, 2022
Pretty decent book. This would be a good book for anyone involved in/with labor unions or cares deeply about workers' rights.
I appreciated that a chapter was dedicated to what happened with AFSCME in Wisconsin (props to Fred Sanders, the audiobook narrator who knew how to say 'AFSCME'), especially considering that the Pennsylvania republican gubernatorial nominee is threatening to do the same thing. The author highlighted how that without the union, workers ended up having to pay more money for healthcare and raises couldn't keep up with that.
I liked that there was a chapter on the mistakes labor unions have made, because we need to be wary of our own biases and to make sure we're including others. When I was a union rep in Florida, we were stressed to make sure that our union eboards looks like our membership and to also make sure we had Spanish union lit.
I liked that there were a chapter or two, discussing ways that workers can gain power, outside of unions themselves, since that's the main mission. Workers are stronger together, but the results are the most important goal.
Also, for folks interested after hearing about Immokalee, they do tours. When I lived in Florida, a group of us in the Orlando CLC had carpooled to visit. Very inspirational to hear from them what they've gone though.
I appreciated that a chapter was dedicated to what happened with AFSCME in Wisconsin (props to Fred Sanders, the audiobook narrator who knew how to say 'AFSCME'), especially considering that the Pennsylvania republican gubernatorial nominee is threatening to do the same thing. The author highlighted how that without the union, workers ended up having to pay more money for healthcare and raises couldn't keep up with that.
I liked that there was a chapter on the mistakes labor unions have made, because we need to be wary of our own biases and to make sure we're including others. When I was a union rep in Florida, we were stressed to make sure that our union eboards looks like our membership and to also make sure we had Spanish union lit.
I liked that there were a chapter or two, discussing ways that workers can gain power, outside of unions themselves, since that's the main mission. Workers are stronger together, but the results are the most important goal.
Also, for folks interested after hearing about Immokalee, they do tours. When I lived in Florida, a group of us in the Orlando CLC had carpooled to visit. Very inspirational to hear from them what they've gone though.
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