Alev Scott, the Anglo-Turk author of this book, is a young woman of partial Afro-Turk origin. Afro-Turks are descendants of African slaves in the old Ottoman Empire. This book, published in 2019, describes the author’s exploration across eleven countries of the former Ottoman empire, showing its diversity, history, identity and collective memory. She speaks Turkish with mechanics in Kosovo and discusses religion with Lebanese warlords and University professors in Sarajevo. She interviews communities that are descendants of ancient minorities of the empire. With extensive research and a journey through Israel, Armenia, Lebanon, the Balkans, Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, Alev Scott showcases the ethnic tapestry of the old Ottoman empire. She suggests that people’s attachment to their roots can outweigh the claims of a nation-state, though they live in independent nation-states now.
Scott believes language to be the key to shared culture and understanding of people. More than religion or race. Focusing on the human side of history and culture, she recounts stories of artists, poets, soldiers, and ordinary citizens to let us understand the old empire’s complexity. She documents engaging sketches of how the Ahmadiyya, the Druze and the Bahais came to live in Haifa, Israel. On the Hebrew spoken in Jerusalem, which one would assume to be the purest form of Hebrew, she reveals it is Turkish-inflected. Scott explains striking practices that happened between Jewish and Arab families in the early twentieth century. A new mother would ask a friend to help if she could not breastfeed her child. It resulted in Jewish and Arab ‘milk siblings’–a practice that was also common in Jewish-majority Ottoman Thessaloniki. In this review, I shall relate some aspects of the author’s exploration that grabbed my interest.
Every empire has its associated myths. The British empire has its fairytales and myths about how enlightened the British were in India. Hindu Nationalists in India today have their myths about India’s past empires of Chandragupta, Ashoka and the Cholas. The Ottoman empire is no different. Educated Muslims around the world believe that the diversity of its subjects proves the peaceful co-existence within the Ottoman empire. Scott says this is a myth. Non- Muslims were second- class citizens. At the turn of the twentieth century, there were horrific systematic abuses of these minorities as the empire ate itself. Like all empires, the Ottoman Empire, too, was built by slaves of varying legality. Many of them were taken as children from their families in Africa, Eastern Europe or the Caucasus. Until the late nineteenth century, around 16,000 - 18,000 African slaves were taken every year by Ottoman traders from Eritrea, Sudan and Egypt. They were put on boats and ‘sorted’ in the holding port of Alexandria in Egypt, before being shipped to Istanbul, Izmir, the Aegean islands and Cyprus. Their descendants grew up with no knowledge of their family’s history apart from a vague notion of geography. The empire never banned slavery. Existing slaves were freed only in 1924 when the Republic’s new constitution granted equal rights to all citizens.
One lingering question on the Ottoman empire is the ‘Armenian genocide’ of 1915. Almost all Turks, regardless of religion, background or political alliance, agree that the genocide is a myth. Turks today refer to it with an understatement as ‘the Armenian relocation’ or ‘the events of 1915’. Author Scott reveals that in 1915, it was the Kurds who committed many of the massacres of Armenians. They took over the homes Armenians left behind when Ottoman soldiers forced them out of Anatolia on the infamous death marches. She observes with a touch of sarcasm that Kurds are now being forced out of their homes in former Armenian towns by the current Turkish government. It is because its conflict with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) has reignited. The author goes to Yerevan in modern Armenia and visits the Genocide Museum there. She finds there is too much proof that a genocide had occurred. She sees a telegram from Talat Pasha, one of the three Pashas who led Turkey into the war on Germany’s side, addressed to the governor of Aleppo. It describes how the Turks intend to eliminate ‘all Armenians’. However, Scott notes that the Armenians, too, portray it in black and white as villains and victims, with the Armenians being superior to the ‘backward’ Ottoman Muslims.
Jerusalem is a holy site for all the three Abrahamic religions. Scott, however, is not enamoured by the city. She says travelling through the Holy Land can be an unholy experience for an atheist and that Jerusalem feels like a religious Disneyland. The reverence shown by millions of religious tourists feels perverse to her because the place is brutalized by war and apartheid. Scott is interested in reconciliation rather than revenge. She says both Israel and Armenia are consumed with the injustice of their respective genocides, and offers a way to reconciliation. In her view, Germany has acknowledged the Holocaust with museums, television programmes and documentation centers. It has honoured the gentile Germans who took huge risks to help their Jewish friends. Spain and Portugal offered citizenship to Sephardic Jews to atone for the Inquisition. She proposes Armenia should acknowledge many Turks helped Armenians during the genocide. As for Turkey, it should offer citizenship to Armenians to atone for the genocide. However, Scott concedes this to be a far less attractive offer. Why would Armenians want to live in an Islamist and authoritarian Turkey?
Moving on to the neighboring nation state, Scott says Lebanon is a poster-child of semi-organized chaos. If anything defines Lebanon, it is the competition among its religions. Only religious marriages are recognized in Lebanon and the laws governing marriage between different sects are complicated. A Sunni or Shia Muslim man can marry a Christian or Jewish woman, but a Muslim woman cannot marry a Christian or Jewish man unless he converts to Islam. To accommodate various religious groups by ensuring each has some worthy role in public life, Lebanon has created a bizarre system of segregation that often teeters into entrenched discrimination. This results in no single group ever thinking they have the best deal. Everyone envies the lot of others, like a playground game in which children fight over whose turn it is to play the hero. Scott slams it as an infantile system dressed in adult garb and policed by old men.
The Balkan was another part of the Ottoman empire. Scott travels to Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Bosnia and Bulgaria. Bosnia-Herzegovina has a forty-seven percent Christian population while there are few Muslims in Serbia. Turkey and Saudi Arabia are in competition in the Balkans, funding the mosques and the imams. Scott feels Bulgaria is the most Soviet and Christian of all the Balkan states she passes through. Almost all the country’s mosques were destroyed during the Russian-Ottoman war in 1878. Bulgaria has the highest number of indigenous Muslims in the EU—around 1 million, or fifteen percent of the population. Seventy-five percent of them are ethnic Turks, the rest Roma and Pomak. The Pomak are a Slavic ethnic people who converted to Islam during Ottoman rule and remain a very distinct, traditionally dressed and self-sufficient community. Bulgaria sees these Muslims as heirs to the Ottomans and hence there is a sense of resentment towards them. They learn in school how the Ottomans oppressed Bulgarians for five hundred years!
Alev Scott, being a woman and a young one at that, experiences discrimination throughout her travels in the old Ottoman lands. Living in Turkey for years, she was used to conservative men. They would refuse to shake her hand even when she offered it. She learned to ignore it when men would not meet her eye, or talk straight to her, addressing instead any man she was with. She understood their behaviour as a complicated cocktail of respect and misogyny, exacerbated by Islamic doctrine. However, she was deeply annoyed by the attitude of a Druze leader she meets in Lebanon. To quote her own colorful words, “... this sperm-obsessed Druze sheikh, who lectured me about the equality of the sexes while his silent wife sat swaddled in a modesty-sheet in the corner, and who refused to appear in a photograph with that equal but dangerously immodest of creatures: ‘woman’”!
Towards the end of the book, the author concludes that harmonious coexistence between minorities is all about a practicable power balance. Under the Ottoman system, it was a form of benign tyranny. It worked because all non-Muslim minorities were on the same footing. None of the governed minorities had a stick with which to beat the others. It was in no single group’s interests to cause trouble. The Ottoman system kept a variety of ethnic and religious groups living in relative peace, only because dissent was met with the severest punishment.
One sharp question arises from the author’s narrative. What does one’s homeland mean? Would you consider Israel your homeland even after migrating and living in the US for decades? Armenians are born and raised in various countries around the world. Can a small piece of land called Armenia in the Asia Minor be their homeland? Scott recognizes a link between geography and culture that can last a millennium. The Jewish people and their relationship to Israel proves it. The author herself, once the Turkish government prevented her from returning to Turkey, went to Cyprus, where her earliest memories were formed, rather than going to the UK. She decides that ‘Homeland’ is where the collective heart is, with all its turmoil. Sometimes, that is a place, not a concept.
Alev Scott’s sympathetic book is an enjoyable journey across the edges of the old Ottoman empire. However, she appears a more modern-day Londoner than an ethnic Afro-Turk. She may be more comfortable in coffeehouses of a hip Istanbul than among Turks who follow the Islamist vision of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
A fascinating and original contribution to travel, culture, and history.