Firstly, I have to say this is a really excellent book, and one that I thoroughly enjoyed reading. James Holland has not only done a huge amount of research but, more importantly, has not taken for granted what he found; he has gone over it all thoroughly and come up with his own conclusions, which refute many of the myths and incorrect/one dimensional beliefs that have been repeated many times in other histories. I will discuss these later.
One of the things I like about this book is that it is very well laid out. At the front is the Contents section, then the map section. There are 25 maps! (yay!), and they are all together – with an index of maps – so this means you can easily find the map you want without having to remember which chapter it’s in or keep flicking through to book to find it. One of the main criticisms I have (and have read other people also have) of war histories is a lack of maps, but this book is excellent on that point, even though not all the villages mentioned in the text are on them, which is a bit frustrating. To be fair, if all of them were marked, the maps would probably look too cluttered, although Antony Beevor's D-Day book has better maps with more places marked. It helps to have both books to hand while reading either one.
Then comes a section listing Principal Personalities, those being both those important to the campaign, e.g. the generals, but also many of the ordinary soldiers, sailors and airmen mentioned in the narrative and whose stories are described. This section gives their names, ranks and units, and they are grouped by nationality. At the end of that section is a double page of photographs of (24) of these men, and this again adds to the enjoyment of the book. It is always great to be able to see a picture of the people you are reading about. Sure, we have probably all seen photos of Ike and Monty before, but not Major Hans von Luck or Flight Sergeant Ken Adam, for example.
This is followed by the author’s Foreword and Prologue before he gets into the main narrative. This has many chapters, beginning with pre-invasion planning, the bombing of infrastructure and trains to ensure the Germans would have mobility problems before and after the invasion, and Allied logistics.
This last is a theme Holland comes back to again and again, and it is a very important one. He reminds us that this was primarily an industrial war, and one where logistics were of paramount importance. Indeed, without the industrial might of all the Allies, but especially the USA, either we would have lost the war or it would have gone on for far longer and cost exponentially more lives. He draws attention to some truly astonishing facts, e.g. in 1939, the USA only had 72 fighter planes, an army of 189,000 men and in that year built a total of 18 tanks: yes, eighteen! In 1943 alone, they built 26,608 tanks and 85,000 aircraft, stunning figures that demonstrate the truly awesome capacity of American industry to gear up for war from scratch in a very short time.
The Allied armies in Normandy needed food, fuel, ammunition, clothing, water, replacement equipment and vehicles. When I think of some of the logistical problems modern countries face when unexpected things happen (hurricanes or volcanoes, for example) and how they struggle to get enough supplies to an affected area, it is all the more impressive to read about what we achieved in 1944. Prior to D-Day the British built two ‘portable’ harbours (the Mulberries) so they could land supplies off any beach – each was the size of the port of Dover, a major port on the south-east coast of England – what foresight. To quote the book, By 4 September, Mulberry B had delivered 39,743 vehicles, 220,231 personnel and, in total, 517,844 tons of supplies. After D-Day they even sank a fuel pipeline under the English Channel so they could pump petrol straight to France to supplement that arriving by ship. They also ran a pipeline inland, which was necessary because, On average, a tank used 8,000 gallons of fuel a week, and an entire armoured division some 60,000 a day. These statistics are truly amazing and demonstrate the amount of pre-invasion planning, foresight, creativity and hard work that had gone into it. The Germans, by contrast, were woefully under-supplied and even if they had had the resources to resupply their divisions, by summer 1944 the Allied air supremacy would have prevented much of it from happening.
There are chapters for each of the major operations to defeat the Axis forces, as well as on the air war, as well as sections devoted to chain-of-command and control, and political control.
At the end is a Postscript where Holland gives us a short synopsis of what happened to some of the men mentioned in the book – whether they lived or died, and in some cases what careers they had after the war. What a lovely addition to the story.
Page 540 is the last page of the main narrative but then comes a short Glossary and the appendices. These give details of the composition of a British infantry battalion, artillery regiment and armoured regiment, followed by those of the German SS. After this there is a Timeline for the campaign (dates of each action/operation), and then comes a detailed timeline for D-Day itself, from 00.07 hours until 23.00. Finally, Selected Sources and Index complete this great book.
Don’t be fooled, this is no dry tome of facts; Holland’s writing is clear, interesting and colloquial. He tells it like it is, in a fashion that is easy to understand but does not talk down to you. He intersperses every description of a battle, operation or action with the personal stories of the men who fought them: British, American, Canadian, Polish, German and French, on the ground, at sea and in the air. They are both amazing and exciting to read, as well as giving you an appreciation of the horrors the men on both sides went through. Here is an example of the story of a German machine gun loader in a bunker on D-Day:
A Churchill [tank] emerged and came forward to within a few yards [of an 88 mm gun that had just destroyed a Sherman (my brackets)] firing at point-blank range at the 88, destroying both the gun and the inside of the casement.
Briefly blinded by smoke and dust, Eineg heard the Churchill firing over and over. Frantically, he tried to change ammunition belts, but then came face to face with a Tommy, covered in grey concrete dust, charging towards them. The soldier flung a grenade, which bounced off the wall and exploded in the corridor. Eineg ducked, crouching a split second before the Tommy opened fire with his Sten sub-machine gun. The gunner, however, was not so quick. Eineg saw the bullets punch holes in his chest, then emerge from his back and ricochet wildly around the concrete walls. Several hit Eineg, but their energy was spent and, miraculously, he remained uninjured. Suddenly, the Tommy trod on a mine and bits of him and his uniform flew through the slit. Eineg ran out into the corridor. Mayhem reigned, but despite this, the same officer who had stopped him before now motioned for him to follow him back to the MG post. As the officer stepped inside, first a burst of Sten-gun fire and then another explosion rocked the room. ‘I looked into the MG room and the scene was terrible,’ said Eineg. ‘The officer and my gunner were on fire, with their limbs burned away, and the room full of burning powder which coated the walls and was dripping from the ceiling. I was sickened by the sight'.
Here is an account from mid-July, describing Operation Jupiter, one of the operations the British launched to take the Orne valley and the high ground beyond it:
Although much of Caen had now fallen, the Germans were still stubbornly holding the ground to the south-east on the far side of the River Orne and they still held Hill 112, which both General Miles Dempsey [British Second Army] and General Hans Eberbach [Panzergruppe West], Geyr’s replacement, were well aware was a vital piece of high ground. And while General O’Connor’s decision to pull back from the hill ten days earlier might well have been the right one, there was no denying it was going to be a tougher nut to crack for a second time. Holding the line were the 9. SS- and 10. SS-Panzer divisions, both in far better condition than 12. SS and now with all their units arrived at the front. Additionally, they had the Schwere SS-Panzerabteilung-102 – Heavy Tank Battalion-102 of Tigers attached, as well as an array of 88 mm and anti-tank guns and the 277. Infanterie-Division also joining II. SS-Panzerkorps. It was the 43rd Wessex Division who were to assault the hill, supported by Churchills and flame-throwing Crocodiles. [A Crocodile is a Churchill tank with not only its main gun but also a flamethrower that could project a jet of burning oil and rubber up to 100 yards, and the Germans were terrified of them – who wouldn’t be!]
Supporting the Wessexmen was the usual heavy artillery. Sergeant Walter Caines had never experienced anything like it. He could hardly hear himself think. The barrage was followed by the arrival of Typhoons overhead, strafing enemy positions with rockets, bombs and cannons. The first objectives were taken easily, largely because Eberbach had already ordered his men back to a line straddling Hill 112. Caines had set up the signals equipment near the battalion’s start line. Enemy ‘Moaning Minnies’ [German rockets] and shells screamed over, but the first prisoners were also being brought in; Caines thought they looked exhausted and terrified. A few hours later, word reached the battalion CP that Éterville, right on the Évrecy-Caen road, had been successfully captured, so Caines and the rest of the Signals Platoon moved up with Battalion Headquarters to the shattered remains of the village church. ‘Shells rained down upon us as we entered’, noted Caines, ‘and it was truly terrifying and most nerve-racking. It appeared to us that we would not have an easy stay in this village and to be quite honest, I thought that if every attack was to be like this, I could not guarantee my life longer than a few days’.
Vicious fighting continued all day. With their thick 150 mm frontal armour, 30 mm greater than any other tank on the battlefields, the Churchills were, on paper, a good option for supporting the advancing infantry, and to begin with progress was good. Not only was Éterville taken, so was Maltot beyond, while both tanks and infantry managed to rumble up the shallow, steady and wide incline to the ridge of Hill 112. As they neared the summit, however, the waiting array of Tigers and 88s on the far side was able to blast them at short range. Not even the Churchills’ frontal armour was enough. The 31st Armoured Brigade lost 39 tanks that day, most left strewn and burning amid the crater-pitted open ground of the hill.
Later, 43rd Division commander Major-General Ivor ‘Butcher’ Thomas ordered another brigade of tanks, this time thinner-skinned Shermans, to push on through the Churchills, but the new and young Brigadier Michael Carver point-blank refused, leading to an angry exchange between the two. Carver, though, was in situ, and could see that his Shermans would be entering an attack more suicidal than that of the Light Brigade at Balaclava. He unquestionably made the right decision.
All the chapters in the main section contain narratives of this kind – exciting, harrowing and giving an excellent idea of the trauma, fear, exhilaration and incredible bravery felt and exercised by the men on both sides.
Holland doesn’t pull his punches, and he gives criticism where it is due. He does not indulge in character-assassination, however, and is fair. For example, Montgomery had few social skills and not many people liked him all that much, and the same was said of the Air Chief, Leigh-Mallory. Holland, however, states that people not liking them or being rubbed up the wrong way by them has influenced how they were viewed in terms of performance. While he is quite scathing of Leigh-Mallory at times, he states unequivocally that Montgomery was a very good general and does not deserve the poor reputation he acquired. It must be remembered that Monty had been fighting the Germans for years, in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia before Normandy, and he knew that the way to beat the Germans was to use technology and good tactics – artillery, air power and tactics to draw them out and fight – in other words to grind them down and deny them the use of space and manoeuvrability that had served them so well at the beginning of the war.
Patton, of course, whose Third Army landed quite some time after the invasion, was a Blitzkreig kind of guy, but he was far more ready to accept high casualty rates than Monty, hence his view that Monty was weak, slow and not as committed. The soldiers on the ground may not have agreed with him. Nevertheless, he was also a fine general who got results and whose men loved him, though Patton was not as good as Bradley.
There are also three sections of black and white photographs in the book, which again add to the enjoyment. I did notice, however, that there were two photos labelled as Panther tanks, at least one of which was, in fact, of King Tigers (I'm not 100% sure about the other one), so they need to correct that for a future second edition. I think we can forgive them.
Regarding the myths/wrong impressions I mentioned at the beginning, those addressed in this book are, in brief:
1) German machine guns were fundamentally better than those of the Allies.
While it is true that Allied soldiers were terrified of the MG42 (particularly) because of its very high rate of fire, it was not very accurate, the barrel needed changing often (because it got so hot) and, as a result, in practice was not usually fired at its highest rate or it would jam.
The American .30 calibre machine gun (M1919) was a solid, reliable, practical weapon with a decent rate of fire; likewise the British/Canadian/Australian Bren gun, another reliable, dependable weapon that needed minimal maintenance {Update: I was told recently by someone that knows his stuff, that inaccuracy is desirable in a machine gun, and that after testing the Bren had to be altered to make it a bit less accurate. As it was explained to me, that's because a machine gun is there to suppress and frighten the enemy into halting their advance, as well as killing them – a Bren gun putting loads of holes in the same target does not stop everyone else from charging forward, whereas an MG42 spraying bullets all over the place is highly effective in that regard];
2) German tanks were better than ours. When people say that, they are usually referring to the Tiger, Panther and, later on in the war, the Tiger II (aka the King Tiger), and the reason is that at the time of their introduction they had bigger guns and thicker armour protection than those of the Allies, and this did mean that they were difficult to destroy unless you got pretty close to them. On the downside, however, they were big, heavy and complicated (over-engineered), so were expensive, took a long time to build and needed more complicated maintenance in the field than Allied tanks. In practice, therefore, often a Tiger regiment would almost never have all of its vehicles available to fight because some would be in the shop. Another important point is that the vast majority of tanks available to the Heeres (Nazi army) were Panzer Mk IVs, which were good tanks but not any better than those of the Allies.
The Sherman tank was built by Ford and GM, people who knew a bit about building vehicles, and they were reliable, easy to maintain, and cheap and quick to manufacture, so the Allies could replace lost units very quickly once America had geared up for the war, which it did incredibly quickly. That may not have been much consolation to the crews, however.
The British Cromwell was one of the fastest tanks in WWII and had a low profile, so was great for spearheading attacks or scouting ahead. The Churchill could climb muddy slopes at a much greater angle than the Sherman so was great for getting over obstacles or up steep hills. It also had the thickest frontal armour of any tank in Normandy – 150 mm. Earlier on in the war, however, the British Cruiser tanks were somewhat unreliable and under-gunned, so were inferior to the Panzer IIIs and IVs, but by 1944 the situation was different;
3) The Americans took too long to fight through the Normandy Bocage (hedgerow) country, and
4) The British were way too slow capturing Caen and breaking out. While it was true that Caen was slated for capture on D-Day itself, if you look at the Normandy campaign in the round, the Allies secured all of Montgomery’s original objectives for the campaign two weeks earlier than anticipated before the invasion. The bocage country was very difficult to fight in, and the British/Canadians were often up against seven divisions (they had three of their own much of the time), five of which were SS divisions. The main reason they didn’t go faster, however, was that the Allied generals were not prepared to needlessly throw away thousands of lives by continuous frontal attacks, so used artillery and air power to an enormous extent to degrade the German defence prior to sending in the tanks and infantry. Nevertheless, they still suffered huge numbers of casualties, but not as many as they would have. The Russians advanced so fast on the Eastern Front because they didn’t care how many men they lost – and they lost vastly more than we did;
5) The Germans were more skilful at tactics than the Allies. It is true that the Germans were very good at what they did, and they often won battles because they were clever, manoeuvrable, quick to react and brought to bear their best and most powerful weapons and men at one schwerpunkt; but they did tend to rely more on a smaller (and shrinking) number of elite units to support the bulk of their armies, which were composed of ordinary troops and ‘foreigners’ from the Greater German Reich who did not necessarily have the skills, training, equipment or commitment. This meant that their elite units became exhausted and depleted and, as they were gradually destroyed owing to attrition, the ability of the Germans to counter-attack was diminished. Thankfully, Hitler’s orders to never give ground meant they could not withdraw and reorganise.
Holland goes into all this in much more detail, and it makes fascinating reading. I like his style of writing and the presentation of the book. I recommend this as one of the best books on WWII.
5 stars.