I read this book because I’ve chosen to do a module on ‘History and sociology’ as part of my university course starting in October. I wouldn’t recommend reading this book to relax because it is intensely educational. Furthermore, the book is slightly dull at times purely because studying social theory in combination with history naturally involves the discussion terms which were exciting at the time of their creation, but to readers (who obviously live in the modern day), they are words that frequent the intellectual discourse so often that they are no longer particularly new or exciting. In spite of this, I have made a long list of things I found really interesting about the book. These are listed below for reference.
First thing to establish:
- Sociology- ‘defined as the study of human society, with an emphasis on generalisations about its structure and development.’
- History- ‘defined as the study of human societies (or cultures) in the plural, placing the emphasis on the differences between them and also on the changes which have taken place in each one over time’
- A model ‘is an intellectual construct which simplifies reality in order to emphasise the recurrent, the general and the typical, which it presents in the form of clusters of traits or attributes’. For example, just using the word Revolution e.g. The French Revolution is utilising a model.
Just flagging things I found super interesting. (All quotes and ideas have been extracted from the book (Peter Burke))
1. ‘The wrath of Edward Thompson, who denounced the inability of ‘sociology’ to comprehend that ‘class’ is a term referring to process rather than structure. The point is that sociology, a discipline focussed on static theory, fails to account for the fact that class cannot be used as a general static term. This is simply because a specific group of people from a specific society at a specific place and time only become a ‘class’ as a result of their own language and actions which defines their relationship with other groups or ‘classes’ in society. Therefore, you cannot impose the term class in a general sense on a group of people, but must understand that it is an evolving term that is created and changed by the people in which it refers to.
2. Some historians reject comparison in the pursuit of being specific and not trying to draw tenuous parallels between inherently different societies. However, the book makes a very important point that ‘it is only thanks to comparison that we are able to see what isn’t there’.
3. Two dangers of comparison that historians need to be wary of. The first one is ‘the assumption that societies ‘evolve’ through an inevitable sequence of stages’. For example, Marx’s comparative method involved ‘identifying the stage which a particular society has reached, in placing it on the ladder of social evolution’. The second one is the risk of ethnocentrism. Where historians have treated the West as the norm or the centre of gravity from which other cultures diverge. Comparison should be done on an even playing field as opposed to indulging in the concept of ‘otherness’ when referring to societies that aren’t ‘Western’ and in turn, suggesting that the way those societies operate is wrong, even if it is just as effective.
4. Interesting sociological hypothesis: ‘relative deprivation’. This is the notion that revolutions occur ‘not so much when times are bad... [but when] there is a discrepancy between the expectations of a particular group and their perception or reality.’
5. Communities and identities. Conflict often occurs between groups with minor differences rather than major differences. Freud’s concept of ‘the narcissism of minor differences’ to analyse recent events in Northern Ireland, Bosnia, Rwanda and Sri Lanka concludes that violence is often sparked by fear of ‘the imminent loss of differences’. However it is more informative to treat these minor differences as major symbols of identity. E.g. Trotskyists treated worse than anti-Marxists.
6. Conspicuous consumption- not being efficient about money and profit in order to prove that one was so wealthy they didn’t need to care about money and assets. For example, the chiefs were no t interested in accumulating wealth, but in using it to gain status and power. Pierre Bourdieu argued that ‘economic power is first and foremost the power to distance oneself from economic necessity; that is why it is always marked by the destruction of wealth, conspicuous consumption, waste and all forms of gratuitous luxury’. This is interesting because it challenges the theory of classical economics which puts profit first.
1. There are 3 basic systems of economic organisation. Only one of them, the market system is subject to the laws of classical economics. The other 2 modes of organisation is the ‘reciprocity’ and ‘redistribution’ systems.
2. System of ‘reciprocity’ is based on the gift. The exchange has no economic value but it maintained social solidarities. Exchanged between equals.
3. System of redistribution depends on social hierarchy. Leaders distribute to their followers the goods they have taken from outsiders. The followers give their leaders loyalty and perform services for them.
7. Social capital- ‘trust, norms and networks’, informal social links that may be mobilised to get something done. Yet term has been generalised and moralised. E.g. the argument that Northern Italy has social capital whereas Southern Italy lacks it. But Southern Italy’s patronage of corruption still is a demonstration of social capital. Social theory/anthropological approaches provide order to what modern Western observed would dismiss as disorder.
1. ‘The cardinal might not have survived politically had he not acted in this way. He needed subordinates he could trust, and apart from relatives, he could only trust his creatures, just as princes could only trust their favourites’ ‘This ‘nepotism’ was often condemned in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but we need to be aware of the positive aspects of the practice.
2. Corruption- defining it in a ‘relativistic manner as behaviour deviating from the formal duties of a public role, transgressing ‘moral boundaries’ of a given society’. As ‘the more formally organised the society, and the sharper the distinction between public and private domains, the clearer the cases of corruption will be’. Question obviously is ‘whether this form of behaviour fulfils a social function for the public as well as for the officials involved’
8. Historians analyse societies with two predominant theories. 1) Rational Choice Theory assumes that ‘individuals evaluate possible outcomes associated with their choices in accordance with preferences and values’ 2) Cultural relativists argue that ‘what counts as rational depends on the local circumstances and the wider culture.’ - interesting point- you can see why RCT may apply to North America with its stress on the individual but much more difficult to apply to for example Japan where liberal individualism is much less prevalent.- As per usual the nuanced view seems to work best I.e. supplementing RCT with cultural analysis. For example, the use of violence is as much to do with ‘the meaning of violence for the community’ as a ritual or symbol as ‘about its rewards for individual participants’. Furthermore fear or anxiety interferes with conscious motivations.
9. Social theory and social change 1) Spencer’s model - social change as gradual and cumulative determined from within from traditional to modern society. 2) Marx’s model as ‘crisis, revolution and discontinuous change’. Advantages of Marx’s model over Spencer’s model- model for change in the wrong direction. Marx offers a more global account of change, where other areas of the world affect change in a particular area. A Third Way? Synthesising the 2 models.
10. The idea of history as progress. Generally true with some exceptions. But what is important is that ‘modernisation’ and the ‘civilisation’ of societies is not a unilinear process, social change is multilinear and can be measured in a variety of ways. Norbert Elias divided his study of ‘the process of civilisation’ into sections on ‘behaviour at the table’, ‘blowing one’s nose’, ‘spitting’ etc. Arguing that the appearance of new material objects such as handkerchiefs and forks signify a shift in the frontiers of embarrassment and shame. Likewise other nuances need to be noticed. For example in the Netherlands, the Veluwe is an example of modernisation without industrialisation- most adults were literate and there was economic efficiency. Whilst the north of England is an example of industrialisation without modernisation Seinfeld towns and factories coexisted with illiteracy and a strong sense of community.
11. Patterns of culture. When people no nothing else to what they have change is static. ‘An awareness of alternatives diminishes the power of tradition and gives individuals more freedom to make choices’. For example a Chinese landscape painters changed their style in the face of European prints but ‘they did not imitate the Western style, but awareness of it helped to free themselves from traditional ways of representing landscape’.
12. Patterns of culture. Kuhn’s theory- major changes in scientific paradigms come about in a series of stages. 1) individual observers become aware of information inconsistent with the paradigm 2) in response, paradigm is modified and patched up 3) discrepancies multiply leading to a state of ‘crisis’ new theories emerge. 4) one of the competing theories is adopted as the new paradigm. Question of whether Kuhnian theory can be applied to other things. For example, Columbus’ discovery of America’s- originally thought as part of Asia until evidence became undeniable that this was a fourth continent. However the practice of conquest differs from the practice of science in the sense that ‘The conquerors had the power to turn their perceptions into reality by treating E.g. The zamindars as landlords. English translated Indian society into terms that were intelligible to them- cultural reconstruction
Peter Burke’s conclusion does very well to sum up the book.
- He argues that social theory is useful to historians. But ‘in return historians... offer reminders of the complexity and variety of human experience which theories inevitably simplify’. Historians historicise models showing where they apply and where they don’t and to what degree.
-Historians should be ‘open to new ideas, wherever they come from, and to be capable of adapting them to ones own purposes and of finding ways to test their validity’. Theory ‘enlarges the imagination of historians by making historians more aware of alternatives to their habitual assumptions and explanations’