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Carl Newell Jackson Lectures
Genesi della tarda antichità
Fare del passaggio dalla religione pagana a quella cristiana il nodo essenziale per comprendere la trasformazione nel mondo tardoantico, da Marco Aurelio a Costantino, tralasciando le consuete speculazioni di storia politica e sociale: è questa la scommessa lanciata dall'autore nel suo saggio, che è un testo di metodologia storica. Sommario: ringraziamenti, introduzione, un dibattito sul sacro, un'età di ambizione, "gli amici di Dio", dai cieli al deserto: Antonio e Pacomio
135 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1976
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About the author
Peter Brown
59 books47 followersPeter Robert Lamont Brown FBA is an Irish historian. He is the Rollins Professor of History Emeritus at Princeton University. Brown is credited with having brought coherence to the field of Late Antiquity, and is often regarded as the inventor of said field. His work has concerned, in particular, the religious culture of the later Roman Empire and early medieval Europe, and the relation between religion and society.
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September 6, 2023
Trei prelegeri ținute acum (aproape) o jumătate de veac de către un eminent istoric al religiilor. Alături de savantul francez Henri-Irénée Marrou, Peter Brown a contribuit decisiv la impunerea sintagmei „Antichitate tîrzie” (cf. și Paul Veyne, Peter Brown, Aline Rousselle, Genèse de l’Antiquité tardive, Paris: Gallimard, 2001). Totuși, expresia „Antichitate tîrzie” mi se pare discutabilă.
Cînd vorbești de o „Antichitate tîrzie”, ești obligat să presupui și o „Antichitate timpurie”, ceea ce e negreșit un nonsens. De altfel, istoricii nu au convenit asupra unei cronologii: periodizarea rămîne o problemă insolubilă. În cartea de față, Peter Brown vorbește de perioada dintre secolele II-IV, dar în altă lucrare consideră că sfîrșitul Antichității tîrzii (o expresie probabil tautologică) s-a produs abia în secolul al VIII-lea (750). Antichitatea tîrzie poate însemna și persistența unor elemente „antice” în evul care începe odată cu anul edictului din Milan, 313, cînd creștinismul devine în lumea romană o religie ca oricare alta (dar nu mai presus de celelalte).
În chip firesc, Peter Brown e mai interesat de spiritualitatea secolelor II-IV, decît de istoria propriu-zisă („evenimențială”, spun specialiștii tipicari). Ce schimbări au avut loc în sensibilitatea cetățenilor romani din această perioadă? În opinia autorului, principala schimbare e apariția unor „agenți” sau „mediatori” ai transcendenței, sfinți, martiri, episcopi, asceți, pustnici (pp.23-38, 79-106, 107-131: Antonie și Pahomie). De fapt, dacă ne uităm bine la numele menționate, ea are loc cu un veac sau două mai tîrziu (în secolele IV-V). Peter Brown pare a sugera (și e sigur) că izbînda creștinismului a fost inevitabilă și necesară. Epoca Antichității tîrzii nu a cunoscut nici mișcări radicale și nici mișcări bruște (p.23). Sensibiltatea creștină, crede istoricul, s-a insinuat încet și a culminat prin convertirea împăratului Constantin.
Paul Veyne (menționat mai sus) nu a fost de aceeași părere. El afirmă că nimic nu a prevestit convertirea împăratului roman (poate, nici biografia lui). În 312, ca întotdeauna, în istorie s-a manifestat hazardul. Dacă transformarea creștină ar fi fost inevitabilă și necesară, putem presupune că, în cazul în care Constantin nu s-ar fi convertit, unul dintre succesorii săi ar fi făcut-o oricum. Tot un hazard a însemnat și domnia lui Iulian Apostatul și tot un hazard a fost, la moartea împăratului Iulian, refuzul lui Secundus Salutius (care nici el nu era creștin) de a accepta tronul imperiului. Istoria e mereu imprevizibilă.
N-ar fi rău să reținem că, în vremea lui Constantin, în Imperiul roman locuiau circa 70 de milioane de oameni. Din cele 70 de milioane, doar 5 % dintre cetățeni erau creștini. Creștinismul s-a impus prin decizia puțin așteptată a unui împărat, de sus în jos, cum s-a întîmplat și la alte popoare (ruși, polonezi, bulgari etc.). Vă mai amintiți de „turnirul khazar” organizat de cneazul Volodimir? În schimb, dacă victoria creștinismului era necesară și inevitabilă, mișcarea ar fi trebuit să fie întotdeauna de jos în sus, dinspre popor spre suveran (prin contagiune și nu printr-o decizie subită). Oricum, în istorie, schimbările fundamentale nu se produc niciodată în acest chip.
Departe de a fi expresia unei mișcări lente, creștinismul a irupt în imperiu mai degrabă brusc și neașteptat. Izbînda lui finală are o explicație seculară și, în definitiv, politică. Fără justiția seculară, ereticii ar fi transformat creștinismul într-o permanentă agitație teologică. Sabia și rugul sînt singurele „argumente” invincibile.
Peter Brown trimite, adesea, la Actele martirilor ori la Vita Constantini a lui Eusebiu și nu pune la îndoială acuratețea lor (vezi exemplul de la p.26), deși aceste documente pot fi cu greu considerate istorice. Ele atestă cel mult o mentalitate, dar nu sînt documente în sens strict și trebuie luate cum grano salis.
P. S. Exemplul de la p.26: „Chiar și sfințenia era cuantificabilă. Simeon Stilitul, se spune, și-a atins de 1244 de ori degetele de la picioare cu fruntea... Grozăvia acestei povești nu e dată de nevoințele sfîntului, ci de faptul că un mirean a stat acolo și le-a numărat”. Un istoric nu-și poate baza afirmațiile pe „se spune”. De fapt, a spus-o Theodoret, la fel de puțin credibil în aritmetica lui ca și numitul „se” din „se spune”. Cum poți crede că un mirean chiar a numărat temenelile sfîntului Simeon? N-avea altceva mai bun de făcut? Dintre toate cărțile lui Peter Brown prefer Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (1967/2000). (25.02.23, sîmbătă: revizuire)
Cînd vorbești de o „Antichitate tîrzie”, ești obligat să presupui și o „Antichitate timpurie”, ceea ce e negreșit un nonsens. De altfel, istoricii nu au convenit asupra unei cronologii: periodizarea rămîne o problemă insolubilă. În cartea de față, Peter Brown vorbește de perioada dintre secolele II-IV, dar în altă lucrare consideră că sfîrșitul Antichității tîrzii (o expresie probabil tautologică) s-a produs abia în secolul al VIII-lea (750). Antichitatea tîrzie poate însemna și persistența unor elemente „antice” în evul care începe odată cu anul edictului din Milan, 313, cînd creștinismul devine în lumea romană o religie ca oricare alta (dar nu mai presus de celelalte).
În chip firesc, Peter Brown e mai interesat de spiritualitatea secolelor II-IV, decît de istoria propriu-zisă („evenimențială”, spun specialiștii tipicari). Ce schimbări au avut loc în sensibilitatea cetățenilor romani din această perioadă? În opinia autorului, principala schimbare e apariția unor „agenți” sau „mediatori” ai transcendenței, sfinți, martiri, episcopi, asceți, pustnici (pp.23-38, 79-106, 107-131: Antonie și Pahomie). De fapt, dacă ne uităm bine la numele menționate, ea are loc cu un veac sau două mai tîrziu (în secolele IV-V). Peter Brown pare a sugera (și e sigur) că izbînda creștinismului a fost inevitabilă și necesară. Epoca Antichității tîrzii nu a cunoscut nici mișcări radicale și nici mișcări bruște (p.23). Sensibiltatea creștină, crede istoricul, s-a insinuat încet și a culminat prin convertirea împăratului Constantin.
Paul Veyne (menționat mai sus) nu a fost de aceeași părere. El afirmă că nimic nu a prevestit convertirea împăratului roman (poate, nici biografia lui). În 312, ca întotdeauna, în istorie s-a manifestat hazardul. Dacă transformarea creștină ar fi fost inevitabilă și necesară, putem presupune că, în cazul în care Constantin nu s-ar fi convertit, unul dintre succesorii săi ar fi făcut-o oricum. Tot un hazard a însemnat și domnia lui Iulian Apostatul și tot un hazard a fost, la moartea împăratului Iulian, refuzul lui Secundus Salutius (care nici el nu era creștin) de a accepta tronul imperiului. Istoria e mereu imprevizibilă.
N-ar fi rău să reținem că, în vremea lui Constantin, în Imperiul roman locuiau circa 70 de milioane de oameni. Din cele 70 de milioane, doar 5 % dintre cetățeni erau creștini. Creștinismul s-a impus prin decizia puțin așteptată a unui împărat, de sus în jos, cum s-a întîmplat și la alte popoare (ruși, polonezi, bulgari etc.). Vă mai amintiți de „turnirul khazar” organizat de cneazul Volodimir? În schimb, dacă victoria creștinismului era necesară și inevitabilă, mișcarea ar fi trebuit să fie întotdeauna de jos în sus, dinspre popor spre suveran (prin contagiune și nu printr-o decizie subită). Oricum, în istorie, schimbările fundamentale nu se produc niciodată în acest chip.
Departe de a fi expresia unei mișcări lente, creștinismul a irupt în imperiu mai degrabă brusc și neașteptat. Izbînda lui finală are o explicație seculară și, în definitiv, politică. Fără justiția seculară, ereticii ar fi transformat creștinismul într-o permanentă agitație teologică. Sabia și rugul sînt singurele „argumente” invincibile.
Peter Brown trimite, adesea, la Actele martirilor ori la Vita Constantini a lui Eusebiu și nu pune la îndoială acuratețea lor (vezi exemplul de la p.26), deși aceste documente pot fi cu greu considerate istorice. Ele atestă cel mult o mentalitate, dar nu sînt documente în sens strict și trebuie luate cum grano salis.
P. S. Exemplul de la p.26: „Chiar și sfințenia era cuantificabilă. Simeon Stilitul, se spune, și-a atins de 1244 de ori degetele de la picioare cu fruntea... Grozăvia acestei povești nu e dată de nevoințele sfîntului, ci de faptul că un mirean a stat acolo și le-a numărat”. Un istoric nu-și poate baza afirmațiile pe „se spune”. De fapt, a spus-o Theodoret, la fel de puțin credibil în aritmetica lui ca și numitul „se” din „se spune”. Cum poți crede că un mirean chiar a numărat temenelile sfîntului Simeon? N-avea altceva mai bun de făcut? Dintre toate cărțile lui Peter Brown prefer Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (1967/2000). (25.02.23, sîmbătă: revizuire)
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November 7, 2022I won't rate this one, because I have no idea what rating to give it. On the one hand, it makes interesting points; on the other, it isn't very accessible.
"The Making of Late Antiquity" was written based on a series of four conferences delivered in 1976. This means two things: the first, that it was intended for an audience that was in the know; and the second, that its structure isn't very clear. Neither of these is an insurmountable issue, but in combination, it's pretty obvious that it was never meant for the wider public. Oh, well.
The first part is particularly Like That, as Peter R.L. Brown zooms through Late Antiquity with a hint here and a suggestion there - if you want to get it in its entirety, better get googling. But if you're alright just getting the gist of things, it's still generally comprehensible, even if not particularly informative.
The volume as a whole discusses the way in which the relationship with the divine changed in time. Early Christians were not very different from pagans, in some ways: they all had a connection with the world beyond, and could access it personally. The methods might differ, as pagans had their ancient rituals and such, but everyone was in agreement that the supernatural was right up there with the natural and that it was normal to perceive it from to time. And of course you had good forces and evil forces and all that.
However, as Christians started going on a more ascetic trend, they started seeing the supernatural and the divine as something reserved for special people, who were set apart from normal men. You would have the "friends of God", the men of God, people who were different, who embodied a holiness and a connection with the divine that gave them special powers. No longer could everyone access this at times, it was a more permanent state, a privileged one, and one obtained through hard work and sacrifice. Man was no longer seen as if within a vast network of supernatural forces and beings, but separate.
I find it interesting how he says that the pagans would perceive this as a blasphemy.
I think I'd argue that pagan practices and the closeness to the supernatural would still exist later on, even in Christianity, but it can't be denied that the idea of the "holy man" and of "saints" still looms large in the religion.
"The Making of Late Antiquity" was written based on a series of four conferences delivered in 1976. This means two things: the first, that it was intended for an audience that was in the know; and the second, that its structure isn't very clear. Neither of these is an insurmountable issue, but in combination, it's pretty obvious that it was never meant for the wider public. Oh, well.
The first part is particularly Like That, as Peter R.L. Brown zooms through Late Antiquity with a hint here and a suggestion there - if you want to get it in its entirety, better get googling. But if you're alright just getting the gist of things, it's still generally comprehensible, even if not particularly informative.
The volume as a whole discusses the way in which the relationship with the divine changed in time. Early Christians were not very different from pagans, in some ways: they all had a connection with the world beyond, and could access it personally. The methods might differ, as pagans had their ancient rituals and such, but everyone was in agreement that the supernatural was right up there with the natural and that it was normal to perceive it from to time. And of course you had good forces and evil forces and all that.
However, as Christians started going on a more ascetic trend, they started seeing the supernatural and the divine as something reserved for special people, who were set apart from normal men. You would have the "friends of God", the men of God, people who were different, who embodied a holiness and a connection with the divine that gave them special powers. No longer could everyone access this at times, it was a more permanent state, a privileged one, and one obtained through hard work and sacrifice. Man was no longer seen as if within a vast network of supernatural forces and beings, but separate.
I find it interesting how he says that the pagans would perceive this as a blasphemy.
I think I'd argue that pagan practices and the closeness to the supernatural would still exist later on, even in Christianity, but it can't be denied that the idea of the "holy man" and of "saints" still looms large in the religion.
October 30, 2007
My dear, beloved professor/advisor, Dr. Brodd, could not praise this book enough! Truly, I thought he might faint with pleasure just saying its name. Alas, I could catch none of his passion for the book and, while I respected it greatly, I cannot say it had a profound affect on me personally or academically. I've kept it as one of those, "Yes, I did go to grad school," books that I'll probably never read again but can't quite part with since it's "so good." At least I can smile with fond memories of Dr. Brodd's spirited lectures when I see this book!
August 14, 2023
The Dune: Messiah to The World of Late Antiquity's Dune.
July 3, 2021
Composed with a fine sense of erudition and an appreciation of the complexity of the world it seeks to describe, "The Making of Late Antiquity" by Peter R.L. Brown began as the Carl Newell Jackson Lectures at Harvard University in April of 1976. These rather auspicious beginnings presage great things for the readers of this small yet essential book; for this book, in its short four chapter format, delineates finely the world of the ancients from 200AD to approximately 400AD, a time of deep change in the relationship between the divine and man as reflected in the religious thought of the time. Starting with a brief description of the "Seven Sleepers of Ephesus," who went into seclusion during a time of Christian persecution only to be released back into the world during a time of acceptance of the new faith, the author quickly lays out the 'debate' in the world of the time between those who saw the divine as the realm of 'sorcerers' or magicians, and those who saw the divine as being one with holy men of true repute. The latter group sustained itself on the 'magic' of the earth elements, sensuous, and ephemeral, while the latter group were of the heavens, the stars, the sublime. Then Brown takes us into the world of "An Age of Ambition" where, after the "Age of the Antonines" (the parity-obsessed, societal endorsing pagans of the time of Marcus Aurelius), the ambitious strain of Christian thought took the upper hand, trouncing the previously existing sublimation of the personal to the needs of society. Brown appears to mourn the loss of this aspect of ancient society, identifying it with a loss of humility and fellow feeling that disappeared in the solely Christian age that was to come. For now was the time of the "Friends of God," Bishops, martyrs, and monks who who, by gaining sole possession of access to the divine, divided God from his people, creating an aristocracy of faith that denied the divine for the mass of humanity. Finally, Brown, in chapter 4, describes the world of the anchorites of Egypt, those ascetics who, by rejecting their society, unconsciously revealed it in their eschewal of its claims. Their ascetic withdrawal is seen as being less 'anti-body' as 'anti-society,' and thus a further attempt to divorce the god(s) from the existence of the ordinary man (and woman). And, in the background of this description of the flourishing of these Christian trends of disavowal and disengagement, lies the pagans, mourners of a world of parity and equity between the divine and man, between god(s) and society. Brown, along with the reader (it is suggested), seems to mourn the world that these pagans saw disappearing before their very eyes. So, that by the end of the 4th century, both pagans and Christians were confronted with a changed landscape of the possible relationship with God and man. It is suggested that their loss is shared by us moderns, inheritors of this lost world. This is a fine book, beautifully written and sublimely thought, a treat for all those interested in man's relationship to the divine.
April 17, 2018
I cannot recommend this book highly enough! In just over 100 pages, Peter Brown eloquently explores the nature of the changing social and religious aspects of the ancient world from the second to fourth centuries AD. This book is derived from four lectures that Brown originally gave in 1976 and does much to call into question previous scholarly assumptions about this period such as the melodramatic nature of the so-called “Crisis of the Third Century.”
The first chapter, “A Debate on the Holy,” primarily explores the shifting ideas about the locus of the supernatural. Were deities believed to speak to individuals through dreams/visions or through specific “holy men”? Increasingly people began to believe in the latter, leading to a somewhat reduced access to the supernatural for “average” people. The second chapter, “An Age of Ambition,” Brown switches to examining the social dimension of the period. As he views it, a “model of parity,” which had checked the ambitions of individuals trying to rise above their peers, was beginning to breakdown. This had enormous implications for those seeking to gain power. Chapter three, “The Friends of God,” combines aspects of the first two chapters as well as the rise of Christianity. Both the changing locus of the supernatural and new social structures allowed for the rise of religious leaders to more prominent positions in society. The final chapter, “Anthony and Pachomius,” channels much of Brown’s famed article on the nature of the Holy Man. He uses the attitudes and roles of the Egyptian ascetics to extrapolate the general mood of the period. Brown sees a desire for withdrawal, away from traditional social obligations and anxieties, to a more simplistic mode of living. Hence, the withdrawal of the ascetics into the desert, an extreme example of renunciation of society.
One caveat with this book though is that it is not really for those who are new to the study of the ancient world or Late Antiquity. Brown, as is his mercurial style, leaps from one source to another, with hardly any background information. This can understandably be quite confusing for some readers. Otherwise, Brown’s style is refreshingly conversational in tone, despite the dense subject matter covered. He does an excellent job of making it an interesting read. (I love the fantastic introduction with the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus). Although some of the scholarship is by now outdated, this book is a must read for anyone interesting in Late Antiquity.
The first chapter, “A Debate on the Holy,” primarily explores the shifting ideas about the locus of the supernatural. Were deities believed to speak to individuals through dreams/visions or through specific “holy men”? Increasingly people began to believe in the latter, leading to a somewhat reduced access to the supernatural for “average” people. The second chapter, “An Age of Ambition,” Brown switches to examining the social dimension of the period. As he views it, a “model of parity,” which had checked the ambitions of individuals trying to rise above their peers, was beginning to breakdown. This had enormous implications for those seeking to gain power. Chapter three, “The Friends of God,” combines aspects of the first two chapters as well as the rise of Christianity. Both the changing locus of the supernatural and new social structures allowed for the rise of religious leaders to more prominent positions in society. The final chapter, “Anthony and Pachomius,” channels much of Brown’s famed article on the nature of the Holy Man. He uses the attitudes and roles of the Egyptian ascetics to extrapolate the general mood of the period. Brown sees a desire for withdrawal, away from traditional social obligations and anxieties, to a more simplistic mode of living. Hence, the withdrawal of the ascetics into the desert, an extreme example of renunciation of society.
One caveat with this book though is that it is not really for those who are new to the study of the ancient world or Late Antiquity. Brown, as is his mercurial style, leaps from one source to another, with hardly any background information. This can understandably be quite confusing for some readers. Otherwise, Brown’s style is refreshingly conversational in tone, despite the dense subject matter covered. He does an excellent job of making it an interesting read. (I love the fantastic introduction with the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus). Although some of the scholarship is by now outdated, this book is a must read for anyone interesting in Late Antiquity.
January 3, 2024
in this volume, brown argues that the rise of christianity wasnt so much a sudden, dramatic event, but rather a slow transition, in which the mentality of the people (who were supposedly already used to many of the christian practices, as they mirrored their own) played a major role.
the thesis is sound - i agree with it to some extent. what i find lacking however is the way this idea is argued - brown's own explanations seem to be a little hard to follow, almost as if they've been taken out of context; which i can understand, given that this is a book based on a series of lectures, and, from what i understood, a more particular analysis of a longer study of his. still, it's difficult to follow, and quite exhausting sometimes.
furthermore, i would argue that the people's mentality wasn't the only major factor in the rise of christianity. chance played a role as well. during constantine's rule, only 5% of the empire's population was christian. the chances of christianity becoming so interesting to the emperor were slim to none if he wasn't who he was, if he didn't go through the experiences he did (talking here about his rather extensive and interesting family history). the rise of christianity was very much a matter of luck (or misfortune, depending on how you see it), of favourable circumstances coming together, that happened because history is still sometimes unpredictable.
(on another note, would be pretty funny if i came back to this review years later with a changed opinion, after finishing college. all is possible, i suppose)
the thesis is sound - i agree with it to some extent. what i find lacking however is the way this idea is argued - brown's own explanations seem to be a little hard to follow, almost as if they've been taken out of context; which i can understand, given that this is a book based on a series of lectures, and, from what i understood, a more particular analysis of a longer study of his. still, it's difficult to follow, and quite exhausting sometimes.
furthermore, i would argue that the people's mentality wasn't the only major factor in the rise of christianity. chance played a role as well. during constantine's rule, only 5% of the empire's population was christian. the chances of christianity becoming so interesting to the emperor were slim to none if he wasn't who he was, if he didn't go through the experiences he did (talking here about his rather extensive and interesting family history). the rise of christianity was very much a matter of luck (or misfortune, depending on how you see it), of favourable circumstances coming together, that happened because history is still sometimes unpredictable.
(on another note, would be pretty funny if i came back to this review years later with a changed opinion, after finishing college. all is possible, i suppose)
November 1, 2022
Dense but thoroughly rewarding, an essential read on the developments that changed the classical world and introduced Christianity to the Roman state.
Coming from the shadows of generations of historians who thought that the changes which made Christianity a roman religion were exterior (wars, invasions) or social-economic, Brown changes the paradigm entirely. He moves from the conception of an outward influence to an interior one. By this I mean the appearance of a group of people:
In the book he traces the development of the acces to God, seeing how the free acces of the classical world becomes more and more dominated by "Friends of God", people who, even though small in number, are thought to be places where the Heavens meet the Earth. The universal God that Origen speaks about is made available to a small and even smaller section of the population.
For someone who might want to understand where the continuity between the paleo-christian church and the new, imperial, orthodox church is broken, I think it is an illuminating read.
Coming from the shadows of generations of historians who thought that the changes which made Christianity a roman religion were exterior (wars, invasions) or social-economic, Brown changes the paradigm entirely. He moves from the conception of an outward influence to an interior one. By this I mean the appearance of a group of people:
In the book he traces the development of the acces to God, seeing how the free acces of the classical world becomes more and more dominated by "Friends of God", people who, even though small in number, are thought to be places where the Heavens meet the Earth. The universal God that Origen speaks about is made available to a small and even smaller section of the population.
For someone who might want to understand where the continuity between the paleo-christian church and the new, imperial, orthodox church is broken, I think it is an illuminating read.
July 8, 2018
Based on lectures, the chapters are each one speech. Since written by an academic, the book would have actually been easier to read and understand if the endnotes were instead footnotes. I read this book after having just finished The World of Late Antiquity: AD 150-75o also by Peter R.L. Brown. The instant book tracks the evolution in the late Roman empire from the view that ordinary persons could each be in communication with the gods, to a view that only "men of God" had special access, and that the Christians were able to do this by and through mystics, ascetics, and monks, to the detriment of the pagan world view. Brown addresses very narrow issues and so this book would have to be read with others in order to assess the validity of its argument (assuming no direct knowledge of the original texts). Not recommended as a stand alone read.
April 6, 2019
Picked up this short book off the shelf, because I am interested in the topic (currently reading City of God and Brown's biography of Augustine). I found parts of it interesting, but this is definitely an academic work for those who have lots of prior knowledge of the subject. Much of the text is dense and arcane. A quick read at least gave me a flavor of the times and encouraged me to learn more about the early days of Christianity as it spread in the Roman Empire.
April 2, 2019
This is a nice 100 page primer on the era. He discusses the shifts in religious practice and mood from paganism to early christianity. Much of it lacks discussion about mechanism but mainly focuses on practice and outward expression. I read them out of order, but it would probably be advantageous to read this directly prior his "The World of Lake Antiquity".
October 25, 2017
Deadly ZZZZZZZ.
November 7, 2021
Well above my pay grade.
November 26, 2022
Un exemplu nefericit cum de "sub pana" unui erudit a "ieșit" o carte alambicată, cu teze neclare și argumentare defectuoasă.
PS. Știu că a fost rezultatul unor conferințe, dar ...
PS. Știu că a fost rezultatul unor conferințe, dar ...
March 13, 2023
Un text care ne întregește perspectiva asupra Antichității 'fin de siecle'. Felicitări și domnului traducător, care a dat un plăcut flow narativ textului original!
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May 15, 2025These seems like the book you read after you’ve read the rest of Brown’s corpus. Some good stuff here, but fairly dense and hard to follow.
January 10, 2020
Wandel statt Untergang
Die Spätantike wird für gewöhnlich im allgemeinen historischen Bewusstsein als eine Phase des Niedergangs bzw. Untergangs und der Krise verstanden. Peter Brown, der zu den renommiertesten Althistorikern seiner Zeit gehört, sieht den Begriff der „Krise“ kritisch. Des Weiteren handelt es sich für ihn um einen Übergang bzw. einen Wandel und um keinen Niedergang. Dies lieferte auch den Anlass für den von ihm ursprünglich 1975 verfassten Essay, der die Grundlage für mehrere Vorlesungen stellen sollte. Paul Veyne, der das Vorwort lieferte, zufolge erklärt Brown, „mit aller Bizarrerie, was gewesen ist.“ Dies scheint jedoch zu simpel gefasst für das, was Brown tut.
Brown spricht von Innovationen, Veränderungen, Kreativität der römischen Welt während der Spätantike, aber auch von neuen geistigen, sozialen und religiösen Strukturen.
Das Buch könnte durchaus als Anstoß bzw. Impuls genommen werden. Mehr scheint es jedoch nicht zu sein. Vielleicht schien Brown auch nicht mehr im Sinn zu haben, da der Essay zu Beginn nur als Grundlage für seine Vorlesungen dienen sollte und deshalb auch so kurz ausfiel. Beeindruckend ist das vielfältige Wissen, welches er in diesem Werk zusammenträgt. Dies ist zum Teil ein Problem an dem Buch. Man bekommt leicht das Gefühl orientierungslos zu sein und erhofft sich endlich eine pointiertere Aussage. Weitere Ausführungen wären daher angebracht gewesen, vor allem für Laien.
Peter Brown liefert einen neuen Blick auf die Spätantike, den man gewiss nicht unbeachtet lassen sollte. Jedoch ist dieses Buch eher für Personen geeignet, die in die Thematik schon eingeführt sind und für die kurze Verweise ausreichen. Möchte man unbedingt ein Buch von Peter Brown lesen, was durchaus zu empfehlen ist, würde ich ein anderes wählen.
Peter Brown: Die letzten Heiden. Eine kleine Geschichte der Spätantike. Vorwort von Paul Veyne. Aus dem Englischen von Holger Fliessbach, Berlin 1986 (engl. 1978).
Die Spätantike wird für gewöhnlich im allgemeinen historischen Bewusstsein als eine Phase des Niedergangs bzw. Untergangs und der Krise verstanden. Peter Brown, der zu den renommiertesten Althistorikern seiner Zeit gehört, sieht den Begriff der „Krise“ kritisch. Des Weiteren handelt es sich für ihn um einen Übergang bzw. einen Wandel und um keinen Niedergang. Dies lieferte auch den Anlass für den von ihm ursprünglich 1975 verfassten Essay, der die Grundlage für mehrere Vorlesungen stellen sollte. Paul Veyne, der das Vorwort lieferte, zufolge erklärt Brown, „mit aller Bizarrerie, was gewesen ist.“ Dies scheint jedoch zu simpel gefasst für das, was Brown tut.
Brown spricht von Innovationen, Veränderungen, Kreativität der römischen Welt während der Spätantike, aber auch von neuen geistigen, sozialen und religiösen Strukturen.
Das Buch könnte durchaus als Anstoß bzw. Impuls genommen werden. Mehr scheint es jedoch nicht zu sein. Vielleicht schien Brown auch nicht mehr im Sinn zu haben, da der Essay zu Beginn nur als Grundlage für seine Vorlesungen dienen sollte und deshalb auch so kurz ausfiel. Beeindruckend ist das vielfältige Wissen, welches er in diesem Werk zusammenträgt. Dies ist zum Teil ein Problem an dem Buch. Man bekommt leicht das Gefühl orientierungslos zu sein und erhofft sich endlich eine pointiertere Aussage. Weitere Ausführungen wären daher angebracht gewesen, vor allem für Laien.
Peter Brown liefert einen neuen Blick auf die Spätantike, den man gewiss nicht unbeachtet lassen sollte. Jedoch ist dieses Buch eher für Personen geeignet, die in die Thematik schon eingeführt sind und für die kurze Verweise ausreichen. Möchte man unbedingt ein Buch von Peter Brown lesen, was durchaus zu empfehlen ist, würde ich ein anderes wählen.
Peter Brown: Die letzten Heiden. Eine kleine Geschichte der Spätantike. Vorwort von Paul Veyne. Aus dem Englischen von Holger Fliessbach, Berlin 1986 (engl. 1978).
November 10, 2012
(Copied from my annotated bibliography)
This book is a compilation of a series of named lectures, Carl Newell Jackson Lectures given at Harvard in 1976. In these lectures Brown attempts to trace the emergence in the second, third and fourth centuries, of features that formed the definitive Late Antique style of religion, culture and social life. Each of the four chapters represents a distinct lecture which show internal unity. The first chapter covers the “Debate on the Holy” which studies the rise of Christianity and her holy men. The second chapter, titled “Age of ambition”, analyzes how the political elite gained power. In the third chapter, “Rise of the Friends of God”, Brown discusses how religious leaders gained power over secular leaders including the effect of visions and dreams. Brown closes the book with the chapter “From the heavens to the Desert” which discusses the role of religious ascetics who retreated to the deserts of Egypt.
This book suffers from a lack of a distinct thesis to unite the four chapters. While Brown briefly mentions his thesis, stated above, in the first chapter, the third and fourth chapters have very little to with each other and the overall thesis. The last chapter especially shares very little with the previous three. Another detractor is Brown’s writing style. He rarely makes a clear, distinct point. His sentences stretch over several lines and often hold internal contradictions. The book is exceptionally well documented and includes an index much clearer than the text. Due to the ambiguity of language I would not use this work again.
This book is a compilation of a series of named lectures, Carl Newell Jackson Lectures given at Harvard in 1976. In these lectures Brown attempts to trace the emergence in the second, third and fourth centuries, of features that formed the definitive Late Antique style of religion, culture and social life. Each of the four chapters represents a distinct lecture which show internal unity. The first chapter covers the “Debate on the Holy” which studies the rise of Christianity and her holy men. The second chapter, titled “Age of ambition”, analyzes how the political elite gained power. In the third chapter, “Rise of the Friends of God”, Brown discusses how religious leaders gained power over secular leaders including the effect of visions and dreams. Brown closes the book with the chapter “From the heavens to the Desert” which discusses the role of religious ascetics who retreated to the deserts of Egypt.
This book suffers from a lack of a distinct thesis to unite the four chapters. While Brown briefly mentions his thesis, stated above, in the first chapter, the third and fourth chapters have very little to with each other and the overall thesis. The last chapter especially shares very little with the previous three. Another detractor is Brown’s writing style. He rarely makes a clear, distinct point. His sentences stretch over several lines and often hold internal contradictions. The book is exceptionally well documented and includes an index much clearer than the text. Due to the ambiguity of language I would not use this work again.
March 24, 2013
Peter Brown here brings together several essays that trace the changes in Europe from the second century, with its celebrated Emperors like Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius to the Christian Empire of the fourth. It is a strange time to think about, how people who still believed in the old Roman-Greek deities must have lived side by side or at least in the same cities as people who had cast them aside for Christianity. The best-known story is about Constantine's conversion of the Empire to Christianity, which has the virtue of simplicity and majesty. Peter Brown's concern is not with that striking moment, or even the broad societal changes that made it both possible and advantageous. He is instead interested in how thinking and the experience of the world changed in profound ways, how, for example, the Christian "holy man" came to not only replace the oracles but also made the supernatural more accessible. Sacrifice and temples did not wither away, leaving a vacuum for Christianity, but instead were transformed by it: "Divine figures... lost little of their numinous power through losing their sacrifices, and ceremonies... spoke of the basic rhythms of Mediterranean life no less clearly for avoiding the temples." So Christianity, in Brown's vision, won in the marketplace of ideas by making the divine more accessible and more universal. In those terms, Julian the Apostate's brief reign is less the final pagan effort to reclaim imperial power than a last gasp of an already dead view of the world.
September 6, 2013
My study of biblical history has been informed by some background in classical antiquity just as my study of ancient Greece has been informed and qualified by some background in the history of Palestine. What I hadn't much studied in school, however, was late antiquity except in terms of the growth of the Christian churches. I'd read the patristics of the first four centuries, but knew little about their milieu. Brown, author of a fine biography of Augustine, provided in this little book some of that missing background.
January 28, 2012
This book is based on a set of lectures delivered for the Harvard Classics department & thus assumes some knowledge of 1st - 4th century A.D. history & religion. There are quotes in French and Latin which are not translated. I think the basic argument about the change in outlook in the later Roman Empire can be followed by the lay reader, but as a lay reader I don't know how much I missed by not understanding the quotes or recognizing all the people mentioned :)
August 21, 2016
An examination of how antiquity transition to the medieval period with respect to changes in how society viewed what is "holy." Perhaps not for the general reader, but for the interested reader.
Please read the full review here.
Please read the full review here.
September 25, 2014
Excellent, excellent, excellent. Brown brings the Late Antique world to life.
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