I first ran into this book in the summer and noted it because the Byzantine Emperor, Basil II, has interested me since my undergraduate craze for Byzantine history. Reading Ostrogorsky's History of Byzantium will do that to you because Basil emerges as the high point of the middle Byzantine period, both because of his Bulgarian conquests, but also because of Ostrogorsky's view of Basil's social/economic policy. This book takes on not so much trying to understand Basil II's rule, but rather how the legend of Basil the Bulgar-Slayer emerged and developed over the centuries. As such, it is as much about the modern legend as it is about the Byzantines.
Stephenson's argument is that the image of Basil II as the relentless conqueror of the Bulgars doesn't actually match the contemporary historical evidence. That is, for much of his reign, he was interested, as most other Byzantine emperors, in containing Bulgaria and maintaining Byzantine territorial integrity. Given an aggressive Bulgarian Tsar Samuel, he was drawn into war, which culminated in the decisive Battle of Kleidon, where Basil blinded thousands of Bulgarian captives, leaving one in ten with one eye so as to lead the survivors back to their khan. Samuel promptly had a stroke and died, leading to a period of dynastic instability which Basil II exploited to transfer the loyalties of the local leaders to Byzantium. Thus, Stephenson argues, the conquest of Bulgaria was less a relentless conquest, then a diplomatic triumph.
Stephenson also establishes that the term 'Bulgar-Slayer' wasn't actually applied to Basil II for a century or more. The image was even further exploited in the newly independent Greece in the 19th and 20th centuries, as Greece and Bulgarian fought over the status of the region of Macedonia. On the whole, Stephenson makes an interesting case, although I do think we have to recognize it is, in part, an argument from silence. Silence in written texts can mean many things and, God knows, the century after Basil II was dominated by civilian emperors who didn't exactly agree with the military ethos of that particular emperor. Further, it is entirely possible the term had currency orally much earlier than in surviving written texts. Still, it is interesting that Basil himself didn't seem to use it, although our evidence is rather poor for his period.
The reflections on the durability and use of this image in the modern period make for interesting reading and shows the influence of Byzantine history on the Slavic/Hellenic world. The insight into the Balkan politics of leading Byzantinists in the early twentieth century explain many things about scholarship in that age.
In all, this is an interesting book whose importance crosses specialties and historical periods.