This collection of three pamphlets is issued by Jacobin magazine.
Words matter. In the French Revolution, the Jacobins were a radical petty-bourgeois faction within the mainly bourgeois forces overthrowing the old aristocracy. The French Revolution being part the world wide revolution of the capitalist mode of production replacing the feudalist mode of production. So the label "Jacobin" honestly portrays the political orientation here, which in effect is to preserve capitalism, by incremental reforms aimed to save capitalism from itself. But the real problem is capitalism, and the world needs a different solution, one of socialism replacing capitalism through revolution, and as a transition to communism.
The stated purpose on page five of pamphlet one: "Understanding Capitalism": "The problem is the system, and if we're going to do anything to make the situation better, it is important to understand how that system works." True, it is important to understand the system. But Jacobin doesn't follow through on this. In describing capitalism, they omit big pieces of the puzzle, such as internationalism, the anarchy of production, imperialism, base and superstructure, and revolution. And note that Jacobin's goal is not a cure, it's just making the situation "better," like offering some pain relief while the cancer spreads. It's a snake oil of opportunism (while quoting Lenin!) and reformism, not revolution.
Page six of pamphlet one addresses five main points summarized under these headings: "1. Capitalism isn’t just a collection of individuals, but individuals grouped in social classes." "2. Capitalists and workers have very different interests." "3. Capitalists aren’t motivated by greed but by market pressures." "4. This system creates enormous wealth but also great misery for the majority." "5. Workers can only advance if they act collectively." My initial reaction was that these points sounded good, although I noted the absence of words like "the world," "all humanity," and "imperialism." And point 5 raised the question in my mind: Act collectively for what, ultimately? Free safety glasses for all electrical workers in Springfield? Or for revolution, where one class seizes power from another, to establish socialism as a transition to communism and the elimination of the class system, the state, and all forms of exploitation and oppression? I read on. The answer to "What is capitalism?" is summarized under these headings starting on page nine: "1. All production is carried out for selling on the market, not for self-consumption." "2. The labor that goes into production is by people working for a wage." "3. Productive establishments are privately owned." All true, but with this key omission: The fundamental contradiction of capitalism, between socialized production and private appropriation, results in the anarchy of production. Recent examples of the anarchy of production: The accelerating existential threat from global warming, ongoing wars of imperialism, global economic crisis of 2008 and 2020, and inadequate material response to the world covid pandemic.
Marx and Engels defined the anarchy of production, and Bob Avakian further developed its critical significance as follows:
“It is the anarchy of capitalist production which is, in fact, the driving or motive force of this process, even though the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and proletariat [the class struggle] is an integral part of the contradiction between socialized production and private appropriation. While the exploitation of labor-power is the form by and through which surplus value is created and appropriated, it is the anarchic relations between capitalist producers, and not the mere existence of propertyless proletarians or the class contradiction as such, that drives these producers to exploit the working class on an historically more intensive and extensive scale. This motive force of anarchy is an expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production represents the full development of commodity production and the law of value. Were it not the case that these capitalist commodity producers are separated from each other and yet linked by the operation of the law of value they would not face the same compulsion to exploit the proletariat—the class contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat could be mitigated. It is the inner compulsion of capital to expand which accounts for the historically unprecedented dynamism of this mode of production, a process which continually transforms value relations and which leads to crisis.” (Bob Avakian, "Fundamental and Principal Contradictions on A World Scale" Revolutionary Worker, September 17, 1982. Also quoted and discussed in “On the Driving Force of Anarchy and the Dynamics of Change” by Raymond Lotta, November 4, 2013, Revolution Newspaper, revcom.us)
More of pamphlet one’s definition of capitalism is on page 15: "The capitalist now has to do two things. First, she has to get her employees to do the work that is needed to produce the commodity she wishes to sell...the second thing the capitalist needs to do - sell the product...." followed by the section "The Pressure of Competition." True, but again a critical omission: the fundamental expand-or-die nature of the capitalism, integral to the anarchy of production. The capitalist does not just need to sell the product, she needs to sell (and thus produce) more of it than her competition, regardless of what society actually needs. On page 18 is the section "The Compulsion to Minimize Costs" which says "There are two dimensions to this. The first when she goes out to buy machines...She will choose the cheapest option...and you have to make sure that whatever inputs you get are also efficient and productive. This is the second dimension to cost reduction." Again a key omission: the economies of scale, essential in reducing cost. The bigger the assembly line, the lower the cost per unit produced. Economies of scale are a major factor in the need to always expand production and gain market share against competing capitalists, part of the expand-or-die nature of capitalism and its anarchy of production. Capitalists must constantly compete to expand markets not just locally but globally, always searching for cheaper resources and cheaper labor in the global competition of imperialism.
On page 28 there is the heading "A baseline level of insecurity is forced onto workers by capitalism, all the time, everywhere, regardless of country or region." Yes. But the discussion here omits how workers of some nations, while exploited, still benefit from exploitation of workers in other nations. Also omitted are all the other workings of imperialism. Actually, I cannot find the word imperialism anywhere! And imperialism is a key qualitative development of capitalism, not just capitalism on a larger scale. Capitalism ain’t just a grab bag of various market pressures and personal motivations. It’s an integrated and dynamic system, and through imperialism is world-wide. Capitalists either respond to the demands of that system or lose their position as capitalists. And the misery that this system creates is not just a result of a collection of market pressures but is reflected in the subordination, oppression, and exploitation of the vast majority of humanity, in particular those in the oppressed nations of the world.
Pamphlet two, "Capitalism and the State," says on page four: "We are living in a new Gilded Age, in which an immense concentration of wealth has grown together with the concentration of political power. This pamphlet analyzes the sources of state bias. We need to understand why, far from counteracting the power of capital, states tend to reinforce it. We need to recognize the structural forces that bind it to capitalist interests, even though capitalists’ small numbers should be a disadvantage in a democratic system." I was struck by the words "new Gilded Age" and "state bias." What do they mean by "bias"? The state isn't something autonomous from capitalism and just "biased" towards it. As Marx and Engels discovered, capitalism, as the mode of production, is the base. A superstructure arises from this base, and a critical part of that superstructure is the state. But Jacobin sez "...far from counteracting the power of capital, states tend to reinforce it." "Tend" to? The fact is that capitalism is the base, and the state, with its monopoly on violence, is capitalism’s enforcing power. This is inherent in its nature, not just an unfortunate tendency that can be corrected. "We need to recognize the structural forces that bind it [the state] to capitalist interests..." Again, this counters the base-superstructure analysis by treating the mode of production and the state as just two things floating around that got stuck together, and we just need to un-bind them from each other and then things will be ok. In the statement "... capitalists’ small numbers should be a disadvantage in a democratic system." the "democracy" here is actually part of the very superstructure of the capitalist mode of production. They are invoking "democracy" without talking about the class basis of that democracy! This statement is a reformist thing about if we can just get the state separated enough from capitalism, and make things more democratic, then we'll get out of this "new Gilded Age" and back to business as usual (more capitalism, with some reforms) and things will be better some.
In the midst of this pamphlet two there is this one lone sentence on page 30: “To truly enable full participation in the decisions that affect us all it will be necessary to go beyond capitalism.” This is the only place in these pamphlets I can find this urgent world-important need stated. And it leaves me hanging. What is to be done to “go beyond capitalism”? And why should we limit the goal to “full participation”? What about the emancipation of all humanity? The rest of pamphlet two is about the mechanics of the labor struggle, which is fine, but it is all in terms of reform, and not revolution, not ending capitalism. Again, no. All righteous struggles need to be in the context of: The world is a horror, it needs revolution, which is when one class seizes power from another, and establishes its own state to serve its own class interests and the socialist mode of production, as a transition to communism with the ultimate abolition of the class system, the state, and all forms of exploitation and oppression.
Pamphlet three, "Capitalism and Class Struggle": Page four gives the approach: "The reason working-class struggles are central to Left politics is that they are the enabling condition for everything else. They create the power and the political leverage that enables us to act on our morals and ideological beliefs — whereas the morals and values without the leverage remain little more than pipedreams. In this third pamphlet, we develop the classic rationale for a class-based political strategy." This is bass-ackwards. Political line ("morals and ideological beliefs") is what is decisive ("the enabling condition for everything else"). Political line is the map being updated along the way and guiding the struggle. It is produced by the theory/practice/theory dynamic in an ongoing process of knowing and changing the world. We need to know where we are, where we’re going, and how to get there. Jacobin instead basically advocates for opportunism, that is, focusing narrowly on getting short term political gains from various situations in order to obtain immediate influence and approval, as opposed to approaching situations with the purpose of winning people over to a principled position and increasing their political understanding. This opportunism goes hand in hand with reformism, as opposed to revolution.
On page 10 of pamphlet three: "As Lenin famously insisted, the labor movement can't hive itself off from other dominated groups as if it were a simple interest group. He insisted that it had to be a ‘tribune of the people’… [fighting] oppression, no matter where it appears, no matter what stratum or class of the people it affects.” Actually, what Lenin said here (See page 100 of What Is to Be Done? V. I. Lenin, Foreign Languages Press, Pekin, 1978) is not just the labor movement but all socialists need to be tribunes of the people. He then went on to contrast the methods of union leader Robert Knight with those of Social-Democrat party leader Wilhelm Liebknecht, to illustrate Lenin’s ongoing criticism of opportunism. And in the conclusion of “What Is to Be Done?” (page 225) Lenin states the need not just for a labor movement but, primarily, for a vanguard revolutionary party:
“It was not so much the downright rejection of ‘the grand phrases’ that the heroes of this period engaged as in their vulgarization: scientific socialism ceased to be an integral revolutionary theory and became a hodgepodge ‘freely’ diluted with the contents of every new German textbook that appeared; the slogan ‘class struggle’ did not impel them forward to wider and more strenuous activity but served as a soothing syrup, because the ‘economic struggle is inseparably linked up with the political struggle’; the idea of a party did not serve as a call for the creation of a militant organization of revolutionaries, but was used to justify some sort of a ‘revolutionary bureaucracy’ and infantile at playing at ‘democratic’ forms.”
In fact, the quote above is exactly opposed to Jacobin’s overall approach!
Page 14 of pamphlet three: “The fact that workers have an interest in organizing themselves, and that they are also pretty well-positioned to carry it out, led innumerable commentators over the last 150 years to predict that capitalism's days were numbered…There was a workers’ revolution in Russia in 1905, and then again in 1917, massive labor uprisings in Germany and Austria in 1918, and Italian factories in 1920, then again in Germany in 1923, Shanghai in 1927-28, and then, after the Great Depression, another massive wave of strikes and organizing all over the Western World, culminating in the Spanish Civil War in 1936.” Incredibly, the Russian Revolution (October) is omitted. Also the Paris Commune. And the Chinese Communist Revolution. Actual revolution has been written out, ruled out, by Jacobin!
Jacobin does not understand capitalism, and so does not have a cure for it. For an exposition of what capitalism really is, and the “what is to be done” about it, I recommend Bob Avakian’s recent book “The New Communism.” It has proved invaluable to me, including in informing my critique of Jacobin’s ABC’s.