One of the most important books of the year for me. This is a collection of essays written by Мілєнко Єрґович during the Yugoslav wars. It was first published only more than 10 years later, in 2006 (“Žrtve sanjaju veliku ratnu pobjedu”). Reading this book felt incredibly relevant for us, Ukrainians, today, during our war.
It should be said that Мілєнко Єрґович does not provide anything similar to personal “everyday notes” (witness auto-fiction) or journalistic reporting about life in the middle of the war — no, nothing like this overall. His essays are intellectual, analytical, and political first and foremost. He observes the key mindset shifts in his society, in the society of their enemies, the Serbs, and in the reactive attitude of the world in general and reflects upon them. The essays are usually short (most of them are just about 4-5 pages on average) but almost all of them are quite powerful. (Usually, when you have just a few of such essays for a large book, you already consider this book a success; and here we have almost a whole book of equally remarkable essays.) At the same time, I was amazed and fascinated by his ability to talk calmly and thoughtfully about the most outrageous things — you know, those aspects that cause any regular person to cry in pain or spit venom of hatred and despair. No, Мілєнко Єрґович talks about all this with a perfect poker face, and this is why his words sound even more impressive here. He is definitely passionate about all these things but he makes us think about them first, and only then form your emotional attitude about all this.
The book is not an easy read and it is not for a novice in Yugoslav affairs overall. After reading several books on the matter, including quite a heavy one on Yugoslav politics (“Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation” by Laura Silber and Allan Little), I recognize most of the key political players of the events now, although I still cannot understand all the nuances of their behavior, and I had problems with placing properly other public figures mentioned here and references to the specific national historical or cultural landscape. I doubt that many other readers of this book can do it. Nevertheless, you still discern, and relate to, the obvious general patterns and messages of the book, and those are the things that have a huge, almost existential importance for us today, so you feel simultaneously revalidated and devastated by the text. Many, too many aspects he discusses are a repeating problem for us today, and it looks like nobody learned anything in 30 years.
I saved tons of quotes, and some of them are basically just a copypaste of whole essays or 90% of their text; and I also noted many other places that feel at least familiar, albeit he talks here about particular people and events about which I have not even heard before.
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I had problems with his self-identification, though. He was born in Sarajevo (Bosnia) to Croatian parents; i.e., he is an ethnic Croat who was born and raised in Bosnia, lived in Sarajevo all his pre-war life, received an education there, and worked as a Bosnian journalist. In 1993 (i.e., in the middle of the war), he emigrated to Croatia, which is totally OK considering the Sarajevo siege and the whole humiliating and dehumanizing war raging in Bosnia then, of course. However, he never returned to Bosnia after that, and he has apparently been a citizen of Croatia for many years now. Nevertheless, he is considered “Bosnian-Croatian” writer, and this book is a reflection of his duality regarding the war. It would be absolutely normal if not for one little thing: Croatia was simultaneously a victim of the Serbian aggression and genocidal actions (at the beginning of the Yugoslav wars) and an aggressor and genocide-committing party towards Bosnia later. So it is obvious for me that you cannot be “a son of two brotherly cultures” in such a case. You have to choose. His choice was to become a Croat and take the Croatian side of the events (which is distinguished by silence about Croatian crimes and distortion of any information about them). Still, he somehow believes that he has the right to talk about the events from the point of view of a Bosniak (which is true historically but not totally honest ethically in this particular case). He was writing this book already after evacuation / emigration to Zagreb, and published it 10+ years later (when he apparently already decided to stay there for the rest of his life), and he writes about the events as if he was still in sieged Sarajevo. He prefers to identify himself mostly with the Bosniaks because they were the unequivocal victims in this war (one of his essays in the book is even dedicated to his internal transformation closer to a Muslim identity despite being raised as a Catholic: “Як я став мусульманином,” just because of his solidarity with the victims of the war; “Доки на моє місто падали гранати, призначені мусульманам, формувалася моя нова ідентичність”). However, he also identifies himself with the Croats (which is understandable considering that he is a Croat ethnically), but exclusively when they are represented as fellow victims of the Serbian aggression, and he never talks about the shameful and outrageous participation of the Croats in the aggression and genocide towards Bosnians (although I definitely need a point of view of such a prominent intellectual as Мілєнко Єрґович on this unique phenomenon).
When he mentions (fleetingly) Croat crimes, he always places them together with “Bosnian crimes” (“Прагнучи догодити світу, опозиція частенько буде визнавати, що сербські злочини більші від хорватських та боснійських, але зробить усе можливе, аби злочини хорватів та боснійців описати якомога яскравіше та якомога «документальніше»”). His formulations about the Croatian aggression towards Bosnia are very rare and extremely vague (“Злочини, скоєні протягом боснійсько-хорватської війни у Боснії, за реалізацією, а також за своїм задумом вельми схожі на четницькі. Жоден із них не був неконтрольованим і не трапився без волі на те очільників двох народів” — imagine something like this said about the Russian aggression and genocidal actions towards the Ukrainians). He equalized Croatian agression and Bosnian defense naming it “міжусобні сутички,” “міжусобні чвари” and believes that the Bosniaks (more exactly, Bosnian politicians) are equally guilty in the “conflict” between the two nations (“політики насолоджуються цією міжусобицею”). He continues this shameful rhetoric about “everybody kills everybody indiscriminatory” (“Мусульмани забиватимуть хорватів так само, як заколюють жертвенного барана на Курбан-байрам, а хорвати будуть вирізати мусульман, дотримуючись, як і серби, своєї поросячої традиції”). He even talks in one place about Bosnian aggression towards the Croats! (“Боснійці напали на хорватів через відчай, який довго назрівав і який ніхто не бажав помічати; ще й тому, що їх очолили люди, які були від початку абсолютно політично провальними, які найбільше зашкодили саме мусульманському народу.”) But overall he just claims that the Croats and the Bosniaks (almost always mentioned together in this context) are both the victims of the Serbs and both fighting the Serbs (the most common form of mentioning the Croats is “хорвати та боснійці, на яких напали,” “коли хорвати і боснійці разом боролися проти четників,” etc.). This is not surprising if you notice that “Видання здійснено за підтримки Міністерства культури Республіки Хорватія” but very sad nevertheless.
He also has a clearly hostile and contemptuous attitude to the Bosnian president Алія Ізетбеґович (one of the most heroic and tragic figures of this story, in my opinion; maybe not a perfect one but still deserving our respect — and he is indeed very respected by the Bosniaks today, as far as I know; after he stepped down from politics, he was affectionately nicknamed by the Bosniaks “Dedo” = “grandfather”). Мілєнко Єрґович even tells repeatedly that Алія Ізетбеґович (together with the Bosnian government and Bosnian politicians overall) is guilty of selfishness and lack of desire to finish this war (again, it may be a valid personal point of view if you identify yourself as a Bosniak — then, you have a right to criticize your own government, especially if you know better alternatives to their actions; but he is talking here as a typical Croat, part of the aggressor society who is irritated by the “futile resistance” of their adversary; “сараєвське політичне керівництво активно штовхає свій народ до політичного самогубства” — sounds familiar?). Contrary to this, he never criticized Франьо Туджман, the Croatian president, who was indeed a VERY controversial figure: it was Франьо Туджман who concluded a secret agreement between Serbia and Croatia aimed to destroy Bosnia together in exchange to Serbia stopping its aggression towards Croatia, and it was Франьо Туджман who ordered to initiate the military aggression toward Bosnia. This book was published in 2006, so the author did not know about the future “Trial of Gotovina et al.” (2008-2012), when the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia indicted several Croatian Army generals for war crimes, and also specifically identified President Franjo Tuđman (posthumously) as part of “a joint criminal enterprise dedicated to expelling Serb residents of the country’s Krajina region.” However, these things were well-known for everyone even before this, and such an intellectual as Мілєнко Єрґович was definitely aware of Франьо Туджман’s role in all these events, so his “downplaying” of it, especially against the background of his spiteful contempt towards Алія Ізетбеґович, is very eloquent.
He also repeatedly talks about “brother nations” (meaning Bosniaks and Croats) who HAVE to “reconciliate” and stop fighting each other (again, he would not talk about it in such terms if he identified himself as a Bosniak, for whom “reconciliation” (“примирення”) with his enemies meant genocide of his nation, loss of territories and resources, and death of his country, which was clearly the intended outcome not only for Serbia but for Croatia as well). He even dared to draw parallels between the Bosniaks and Ukrainians in the sense that they and we are forced to fight our “brothers” but we would have to find a way to “peace” again somehow.
In the foreword to the Ukrainian edition of the book (published in 2019), he says:
“Наші вороги колись були нашими братами. Інакше вони б і не змогли стати нашими ворогами. Але чи перестали вони бути нашими братами? Якщо взяти на озброєння уривок зі Святого Письма, що є найголовнішою Книгою і для нас, і для наших ворогів, то існує лише один можливий варіант відповіді, адже Каїн та Авель залишилися братами і після того, як перший убив другого.
Чи є зрадником кожен, хто думає, що наші вороги і далі є нашими братами? Якщо вірити міністрам, генералам та патріотам, то така людина й справді є зрадником. Одного дня війну перетворять на мир саме такі зрадники. Вони є єдиним рішенням, бо перемоги бути не може. Не може бути тому, що вона можлива лише у разі тотального винищення: їхнього народу чи нашого.
Якщо перемоги не трапилося дотепер і напевне її не станеться і надалі, залишається лише одна-єдина можливість: примирення. Залишається зв’язок між братами — Каїном та Авелем. А для чого ж тоді люди гинули впродовж війни? Для того, аби примирення стало можливим та реальним. Для примирення потрібна набагато більша сміливість, аніж для ведення війни. Для примирення потрібно перебороти власну погорду.”
It may sound OK if you don’t know that the Croats committed the same aggression, torture, rapes, and mass killings in Bosnia as the Serbs, as well as genocidal “cleansing” of the Bosnian territories they wanted to capture and annex. However, if you know all this and the fact that of 161 people indicted in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, there were 62 convicted Serbs and 18 convicted Croats (vs. 5 convicted Bosniaks, 2 convicted Montenegrins, 1 convicted Macedonian, and 1 convicted Albanian), you would be disgusted by this “brotherly rhetoric,” especially considering that the current government of Croatia and Croatian public figures (including Мілєнко Єрґович himself, as you can see) mostly “downplay” and “victimize” Croatia’s role in the war and never talk much about the unforgivable crimes of the Croats. Today, this foreword looks very menacing to us, Ukrainians, but it was quite a disgrace even in 2019, only we did not know much about the Bosniaks and Croats and preferred to believe Мілєнко Єрґович by default.
I initially gave this book “five stars” on Goodreads, because it was indeed very interesting and nurturing reading material, but then, in view of the above considerations, I re-rated it to “four stars.”
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Nevertheless, if we close our eyes to all these things and agree with Мілєнко Єрґович’s attitude about “the Bosniaks and Croats are both the victims of the same aggression by the Serbs” (which is also true, albeit not completely), this book is still incredibly significant and relevant for us, so I recommend it wholeheartedly (and if you are able to discern those “half-truths,” you will discover an additional depth there, which is not a bad thing overall).
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“З першого дня, першої гранати і першого пострілу жертвам сниться велика воєнна перемога. Вона підтвердить, що їх депортували та вбивали недаремно і що спогади про мертвих, спалені та полишені міста мають якийсь глибший, метафізичний сенс. Перемога ніколи не означає повернення винищеного села чи взяття у полон кількох збожеволілих, знавіснілих четників. Колективна мрія усіх жертв — побачити, як Мілошевича зумисне урочисто вішають на головній міській площі (а ще краще — на площі Теразіє) чи принаймні як він помирає від страху у своєму бункері у підземних лабіринтах Дединьє. Це було б довгоочікуваною сатисфакцією за усі приниження та поразки, а також і за півстолітню наївність животіння поміж майбутніх кривдників.
Мрія про перемогу сильніша від будь-якого патріотизму. Хорвати та боснійці, на яких напали, ніколи не мали такого палкого прагнення до мирного життя у своїх звільнених домівках. Завжди і понад усе вони прагнули знищення зла, яке їх оточує, зла, яке стало їхнім тривалим кошмаром, джерелом найгірших і найбільших фрустрацій і причиною міжусобних чварів, які іноді заходили так далеко, аж вони починали думати, що їм для порятунку і перемоги потрібно стати бодай трохи схожими на своїх сусідів, з їхніми руками по лікоть у крові, їхньою політикою і культурою поводження.
Минуло три роки війни, а великої перемоги на горизонті все ніяк не видно. Мілошевич почувається краще, ніж будь-коли до того, а на телебаченні ще не було продемонстровано жодної символічної сцени взяття у полон, ув’язнення чи знищення когось із його катів у генеральських мундирах. Звільнені місця більше схожі на пейзаж місячних кратерів чи зруйнованої Помпеї, ніж на довгоочікувану батьківщину, визволену від зла. Сон про репризу гітлерівської випаленої землі з часом стає джерелом малодушності та дитячого бажання знищити усі іграшки, бо неможливо отримати якусь найбажанішу, найціннішу.”