America is on the road to tyranny and socialism, and only a national return to transcendent values and proven traditions will bring us back to freedom and prosperity.
Americans hunger for something real to believe in—leaders and ideas that actually work to make their lives better. The current political system is not satisfying this hunger and people are rebelling. Polished, experienced candidates in both the Democrat and Republican parties are facing stiff competition from radical, but more authentic, candidates.
Jim DeMint and Rachel Bovard make a rock-solid case for why the principles that made America the freest, most prosperous nation in world history must be reclaimed to prevent our demise. Conservative is the simple truth on which this book is built; we all tend to keep what works. This exploration delivers the goods on what has and will work for America.
James Warren "Jim" DeMint (born September 2, 1951) is an American politician who was a United States Senator from South Carolina from 2005 to 2013. He is a member of the Republican Party and a leading member in the Tea Party movement. He previously served as the United States Representative for South Carolina's 4th congressional district from 1999 to 2005. DeMint resigned from the Senate on January 1, 2013, to become president of The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank.
DeMint was born in Greenville, South Carolina, one of four children. His parents, Betty W. (née Rawlings) and Thomas Eugene DeMint,[5] divorced when he was five years old.[6] Following the divorce, Betty DeMint operated a dance studio out of the family's home.[7][8]
DeMint was educated at Christ Church Episcopal School and Wade Hampton High School in Greenville. DeMint played drums for a cover band called Salt & Pepper. He received a bachelor's degree in 1973 from the University of Tennessee, where he was a part of the Sigma Alpha Epsilon Fraternity, and received an MBA in 1981 from Clemson University. DeMint's wife Debbie is one of three children of Greenville advertising entrepreneur James Marvin Henderson, Sr.
DeMint joined his father-in-law’s advertising firm in Greenville in 1981, working in the field of market research. In 1983, he founded The DeMint Group, a research firm with businesses, schools, colleges, and hospitals as clients. DeMint’s first involvement in politics began in 1992, when he was hired by Republican Representative Bob Inglis in his campaign for South Carolina’s Fourth Congressional District. Inglis defeated three-term incumbent Democrat Liz J. Patterson, and DeMint performed message-testing and marketing for Inglis through two more successful elections. In 1998, Inglis ran for the U.S. Senate, and DeMint left his firm to run for Inglis’ old seat.
DeMint was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1999 and served South Carolina’s Fourth Congressional District until 2005, when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. His peers elected him to be president of his GOP freshman class. DeMint pledged to serve only three terms in the House, and in 2003 he announced his run for the Senate seat of outgoing Democrat Ernest Hollings in the 2004 election cycle.
In November 2004, DeMint defeated Inez Tenenbaum, South Carolina's education superintendent, to fill Ernest Hollings' vacated seat in the 109th United States Congress. For his first term, he was appointed to the Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Joint Economic Committee, and the Special Committee on Aging. In 2006, DeMint began leading the Senate Steering Committee. DeMint also served as a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. In 2008, DeMint formed the Senate Conservatives Fund, a political action committee with the intention of supporting conservative candidates that may have otherwise been overlooked by the national party.
As a member of the 111th United States Congress, DeMint joined the United States Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. In 2009, DeMint was one of two Senators who voted against Hillary Clinton's appointment to Secretary of State, and the next year he introduced legislation to completely repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, commonly referred to as Obamacare. Later in 2010, he introduced another piece of legislation titled the Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny, which aimed to require congressional approval of any major regulation change made by a federal agency. At the end of his first term, DeMint was appointed to the Senate Impeachment Trial Committee regarding the impeachment of federal judge Thomas Porteous.
DeMint was reelected in 2010, at which time he became the highest-ranking elected official associated with the Tea Party. During the first year of his
This book won't do much to repair the divisiveness we see in the United States. Every paragraph included some negative references to the left/progressives/socialists. Not much examination of where conservatives could do better.
This book was tough to get through. Lots of repetition about how conservatism is all about preserving traditions and about keeping the best while throwing out the rest.
There were many ideas I don't agree with ideologically, especially with their praise of free-market ideology. The case the authors make for conservatism seems out of date, regardless of my political leaning. Comparing progressivism to the Crusades and the Inquisition. Very ironic because these tragedies were undertaken in the name of religion, with religion being the bedrock of conservatism in the eyes of the author.
I ended up agreeing with a lot of points the authors made and changed my mind on a few points after doing my own research. Some good ideas on policy reforms.
Glad that I read this book as it helped me gain a better understanding of conservativism. It has been successful at deepening my belief in progressivism and I will continue on this path. There's much to do.
A fundamental study of modern and classic Conservatism, written in every-day, understandable language. This book discusses what the true definition of consevatism is and what conservatives actually care about and why. Then it discusses a few key, super hot issues in today's political arena and why these issues are so divisive. Lastly, this book also reviews and explains how Liberals (classic sense of the word) and Progressives think. I appreciated how the book didn't demonize any group of people, but rather stated how varying groups of people see the U.S. and how they truly think their opinions on what government should do and shouldn't do is genuinely for the betterment of our American society.
The line that non-progressives understand progressives and liberals much more than the other way around I think is mostly true. With (still) considerable more progressive-leaning media around, it's easier to hear and watch the philosophies of progressives, but lesser for non-conservatives to hear conservative views. Therefore, for the sake of fairness and trying to understand each other, I think this is a good, not overly-lengthy read for any non-conservative person.
This book offers a strong explanation of modern conservative political philosophy. Although I don't agree with most of this, it was good to build an understanding of the Right that wasn't clouded by mainstream media. Unfortunately, it lost me on its criticisms of the Left. I was hoping for more empirical evidence and less conspiracy.
I read this after attending a few of CPI's classes and was given a copy. The book was solid in outlining conservatives' arguments and history. There wasn't too much new to it though. It was short and well written, so it might be a good introduction for those wanting to learn more. There was a sales pitch at the end to support their work.
This is a good primer on what Conservatism means. It’s not easy to define conservatism, even William F. Buckley struggled with it, since it’s more a sentiment than an ideology. But as Margaret Thatcher said, “The facts of life are conservative.” What do Conservatives want to conserve? The American Founding—liberty, natural law, and unalienable rights. Many forces are trying to tear it down and divide us using our diversity. Yet America is the most diverse nation in history. The book explores what has worked in the past, the traditions and wisdom we need to hold onto, and what can be discarded. Contrary to popular opinion, conservatives are not against change; they are aware that the wisdom of generations before us, and the traditions established, should not be cavalierly overthrown. Change should be guided by proven ideas and principles. Edmund Burke’s “little platoons” play a prominent role, since the civil society of church, family, and community organizations play a leading role in political life. There’s a good exploration of the religion of Progressivism, which is why they don’t like traditional religions—no one enjoys competition. The book discusses the failure in education, healthcare, environmental, and abortion policies. Most of these issues cannot be fixed by government, but require a dynamic, innovation-based free market. There are some policy prescriptions in the last chapter that instruct what we can do to preserve our hard-fought liberties. It’s a basic book, but sometimes we need to be remind of the basics, and the obvious.