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Prussian Socialism and Other Essays
Oswald Spengler, in the aftermath of the Great War, gained international repute as a philosopher-historian whose apparently doom-laden forecast on the eclipse of Western Civilisation, The Decline of The West, struck a chord amidst a period of moral, cultural, social and economic decay, around which swirled increasingly violent forces of Left and Right. Yet if recalled at all today it is as a failed prophet, whose “decline of the West” did not eventuate, and whose forecast of an “age of Caesars” was promptly crushed by the technical power of the plutocratic states combined with the masses of the Red Army over-running Europe. The optimism of Liberalism from the pre-1914 era was revived in the post-1945 era with the defeat of the Axis, and impelled ever-more with the recent implosion of the Soviet bloc to the extent that Liberal academics predict, to use Dr. Francis Fukuyama’s term, “the end of history,” where humanity has reached the epitome of progress in a world hegemony of capitalist economics and political democracy. However, a deeper perception shows the West is in a terminal state, despite outward appearances of seeming “health” that require an increasingly glossed appearance to hide the sickness. In this collection of essays, lectures and articles, some rendered in English probably for the first time, Spengler is shown as a key figure in the so-called “German Conservative Revolution”, who energetically promoted his views to a wide public, with particular appeals to youth. He counselled against the unthinking fanaticism of mass movements, and advised that the times required careful deliberation by a new leadership stratum that was up to great tasks.
272 pages, ebook
Published January 2, 2019
About the author
Oswald Spengler
114 books655 followersOswald Spengler was born in 1880 in Blankenburg (then in the Duchy of Brunswick, German Empire) at the foot of the Harz mountains, the eldest of four children, and the only boy. His family was conservative German of the petite bourgeoisie. His father, originally a mining technician, who came from a long line of mineworkers, was a post office bureaucrat. His childhood home was emotionally reserved, and the young Spengler turned to books and the great cultural personalities for succor. He had imperfect health, and suffered throughout his life from migraine headaches and from an anxiety complex.
At the age of ten, his family moved to the university city of Halle. Here Spengler received a classical education at the local Gymnasium (academically oriented secondary school), studying Greek, Latin, mathematics and natural sciences. Here, too, he developed his affinity for the arts—especially poetry, drama, and music—and came under the influence of the ideas of Goethe and Nietzsche. He even experimented with a few artistic creations, some of which still survive.
After his father's death in 1901 Spengler attended several universities (Munich, Berlin, and Halle) as a private scholar, taking courses in a wide range of subjects: history, philosophy, mathematics, natural science, literature, the classics, music, and fine arts. His private studies were undirected. In 1903, he failed his doctoral thesis on Heraclitus because of insufficient references, which effectively ended his chances of an academic career. In 1904 he received his Ph.D., and in 1905 suffered a nervous breakdown.
Scholars[which?] remark that his life seemed rather uneventful. He briefly served as a teacher in Saarbrücken and then in Düsseldorf. From 1908 to 1911 he worked at a grammar school (Realgymnasium) in Hamburg, where he taught science, German history, and mathematics.
In 1911, following his mother's death, he moved to Munich, where he would live until his death in 1936. He lived as a cloistered scholar, supported by his modest inheritance. Spengler survived on very limited means and was marked by loneliness. He owned no books, and took jobs as a tutor or wrote for magazines to earn additional income.
He began work on the first volume of Decline of the West intending at first to focus on Germany within Europe, but the Agadir Crisis affected him deeply, and he widened the scope of his study. Spengler was inspired by Otto Seeck's work The Decline of Antiquity in naming his own effort. The book was completed in 1914, but publishing was delayed by World War I. Due to a congenital heart problem, he was not called up for military service. During the war, however, his inheritance was largely useless because it was invested overseas; thus Spengler lived in genuine poverty for this period.
At the age of ten, his family moved to the university city of Halle. Here Spengler received a classical education at the local Gymnasium (academically oriented secondary school), studying Greek, Latin, mathematics and natural sciences. Here, too, he developed his affinity for the arts—especially poetry, drama, and music—and came under the influence of the ideas of Goethe and Nietzsche. He even experimented with a few artistic creations, some of which still survive.
After his father's death in 1901 Spengler attended several universities (Munich, Berlin, and Halle) as a private scholar, taking courses in a wide range of subjects: history, philosophy, mathematics, natural science, literature, the classics, music, and fine arts. His private studies were undirected. In 1903, he failed his doctoral thesis on Heraclitus because of insufficient references, which effectively ended his chances of an academic career. In 1904 he received his Ph.D., and in 1905 suffered a nervous breakdown.
Scholars[which?] remark that his life seemed rather uneventful. He briefly served as a teacher in Saarbrücken and then in Düsseldorf. From 1908 to 1911 he worked at a grammar school (Realgymnasium) in Hamburg, where he taught science, German history, and mathematics.
In 1911, following his mother's death, he moved to Munich, where he would live until his death in 1936. He lived as a cloistered scholar, supported by his modest inheritance. Spengler survived on very limited means and was marked by loneliness. He owned no books, and took jobs as a tutor or wrote for magazines to earn additional income.
He began work on the first volume of Decline of the West intending at first to focus on Germany within Europe, but the Agadir Crisis affected him deeply, and he widened the scope of his study. Spengler was inspired by Otto Seeck's work The Decline of Antiquity in naming his own effort. The book was completed in 1914, but publishing was delayed by World War I. Due to a congenital heart problem, he was not called up for military service. During the war, however, his inheritance was largely useless because it was invested overseas; thus Spengler lived in genuine poverty for this period.
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December 13, 2024
Oswald Spengler’s Prussian Socialism and Other Essays is a thought-provoking collection of essays that expands upon themes introduced in his magnum opus, The Decline of the West. Originally published in German in the early 20th century and later translated into English, this volume offers readers an opportunity to engage with Spengler’s more direct and polemical writings, which reflect his intellectual vision, cultural critique, and political philosophy. The essays explore topics ranging from nationalism and socialism to art, history, and the essence of German identity, providing a fascinating lens through which to understand Spengler’s worldview.
The titular essay, “Prussian Socialism,” encapsulates Spengler’s vision of a uniquely German form of socialism, one rooted not in Marxist materialism but in the values of duty, discipline, and sacrifice associated with the Prussian tradition. Spengler contrasts this “Prussian socialism” with both Western liberalism and Marxism, which he saw as alien to the German spirit. He argues that Prussian socialism emphasizes communal responsibility over individualism and transcends class divisions in favor of national unity. This conception of socialism is deeply intertwined with Spengler’s broader critique of modernity and his belief in the necessity of cultural and political renewal.
Other essays in the collection delve into Spengler’s cultural pessimism and his belief in the cyclical nature of civilizations. For example, in “The Two Faces of Russia and Germany’s Eastern Problem,” Spengler discusses the geopolitical and cultural tensions between Western Europe and Russia, framing these tensions within his broader theory of cultural morphology. Similarly, “Is World Peace Possible?” reflects his skepticism of liberal internationalism, as he argues that history is fundamentally shaped by conflict and the struggle for power.
The essays also reveal Spengler’s deep engagement with questions of art and culture. His reflections on architecture, music, and literature emphasize the symbolic and spiritual dimensions of artistic expression, which he sees as integral to the life of a civilization. These discussions illuminate Spengler’s broader belief that culture, not economics or politics, is the foundation of human development.
One of the collection’s strengths is its clarity and accessibility compared to Spengler’s more abstruse works, such as The Decline of the West. While his theoretical framework remains complex, the essays offer a more direct articulation of his ideas, often written in response to the political and cultural crises of his time. This immediacy lends the essays a sense of urgency and relevance, particularly for readers interested in the interplay between philosophy, politics, and culture.
However, the volume is not without its challenges. Spengler’s political views, particularly his nationalism and critique of liberal democracy, have sparked significant controversy. His rejection of Marxism and Western liberalism, combined with his admiration for authoritarianism, has led some critics to associate him with reactionary and proto-fascist ideologies. While Spengler’s ideas are more nuanced than such labels suggest, they raise important questions about the ethical and political implications of his work. Readers must approach the essays with a critical eye, mindful of the historical and ideological context in which they were written.
Additionally, Spengler’s writing can be both compelling and infuriating. His sweeping generalizations and reliance on cultural archetypes often lack empirical support, relying instead on metaphor and intuition. While this style is consistent with his broader philosophical approach, it can frustrate readers seeking more rigorous argumentation.
Despite these limitations, Prussian Socialism and Other Essays is an invaluable resource for those seeking to understand Spengler’s intellectual legacy. The essays provide a window into his thought at its most direct and polemical, offering insights into his vision of culture, politics, and history. For scholars of intellectual history, political philosophy, or German cultural studies, this collection is an essential addition to the study of Spengler and his enduring influence on debates about modernity and civilization.
GPT
The titular essay, “Prussian Socialism,” encapsulates Spengler’s vision of a uniquely German form of socialism, one rooted not in Marxist materialism but in the values of duty, discipline, and sacrifice associated with the Prussian tradition. Spengler contrasts this “Prussian socialism” with both Western liberalism and Marxism, which he saw as alien to the German spirit. He argues that Prussian socialism emphasizes communal responsibility over individualism and transcends class divisions in favor of national unity. This conception of socialism is deeply intertwined with Spengler’s broader critique of modernity and his belief in the necessity of cultural and political renewal.
Other essays in the collection delve into Spengler’s cultural pessimism and his belief in the cyclical nature of civilizations. For example, in “The Two Faces of Russia and Germany’s Eastern Problem,” Spengler discusses the geopolitical and cultural tensions between Western Europe and Russia, framing these tensions within his broader theory of cultural morphology. Similarly, “Is World Peace Possible?” reflects his skepticism of liberal internationalism, as he argues that history is fundamentally shaped by conflict and the struggle for power.
The essays also reveal Spengler’s deep engagement with questions of art and culture. His reflections on architecture, music, and literature emphasize the symbolic and spiritual dimensions of artistic expression, which he sees as integral to the life of a civilization. These discussions illuminate Spengler’s broader belief that culture, not economics or politics, is the foundation of human development.
One of the collection’s strengths is its clarity and accessibility compared to Spengler’s more abstruse works, such as The Decline of the West. While his theoretical framework remains complex, the essays offer a more direct articulation of his ideas, often written in response to the political and cultural crises of his time. This immediacy lends the essays a sense of urgency and relevance, particularly for readers interested in the interplay between philosophy, politics, and culture.
However, the volume is not without its challenges. Spengler’s political views, particularly his nationalism and critique of liberal democracy, have sparked significant controversy. His rejection of Marxism and Western liberalism, combined with his admiration for authoritarianism, has led some critics to associate him with reactionary and proto-fascist ideologies. While Spengler’s ideas are more nuanced than such labels suggest, they raise important questions about the ethical and political implications of his work. Readers must approach the essays with a critical eye, mindful of the historical and ideological context in which they were written.
Additionally, Spengler’s writing can be both compelling and infuriating. His sweeping generalizations and reliance on cultural archetypes often lack empirical support, relying instead on metaphor and intuition. While this style is consistent with his broader philosophical approach, it can frustrate readers seeking more rigorous argumentation.
Despite these limitations, Prussian Socialism and Other Essays is an invaluable resource for those seeking to understand Spengler’s intellectual legacy. The essays provide a window into his thought at its most direct and polemical, offering insights into his vision of culture, politics, and history. For scholars of intellectual history, political philosophy, or German cultural studies, this collection is an essential addition to the study of Spengler and his enduring influence on debates about modernity and civilization.
GPT
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September 22, 2023Analyzes the difference between England and Germany.
Spengler does this not with rationalism, but through empirical observation to identify the physiognomy of the respective nations inspired by Goethe's scientific methodology.
England has Darwin, Mill, Hume, Maltuse, and Hobbes
Germany has Hegel, Nietzsche, Kant, Humboldt, and Herder
England has Newton and Rothschild, Germany has Leibniz and Frederick the Great
It has come to no surprise that England has always been shy towards metaphysics or the more serious and critical analysis of nature. Germany, on the other hand, has gone from provided concepts like "bildungsroman" or "lebensraum" to the "Ding an sich", while England didn't even have compulsory education until way later after industrialization.
The reason for this dichotomy is because of the need for a stronger militarised community. Akin to the collective might of humanity in Starship Troopers, Prussia/Germany needed a stronger sense of community for survival. Prussia, had no natural borders and lacked the natural resources of France, etc. The "army needed a state" in order to survive. England on the other hand didn't need a strong land army, but they did excel at naval warfare and mercantile commercial affairs and this development is more than likely possible due to geographical reasons. Just take a look at the Seven Years War (abandonment of Frederick II), the War of the Coalition (not helping Austria, etc. on the continent), and despite this shyness from the battle they still remain a superpower. While the British army were fodder compared to the German Empire's might in WWI, the English did indeed proved excellence in cutting off food supplies from the Geman civilian population with a naval blockade. It almost seems that England can get away with whatever they do, as whenever England abandons their allies in wars, all they'll ever get is a remark or a slap on their wrist.
Spengler then explains that Marxism is a byproduct of English philosophy that has been brought to the continent. He explains that it is an ideology that is abstracted from reality in the sense that it had brought Marx's belief in class warfare out of his time in England, to a continent that could not correctly conceive of such a concept.
Thus we can delinate the differences according to the following: dictatorship of money or of organizational talent, the world as booty or as a true state, wealth or political authority, success or vocation.
Spengler then summarizes his definition of Prussianism, the anthesis to both English and Bolshevik thinking:
"Socialism of every sort is thinking from below, building on base instincts, canonizing the herd-feeling which everywhere today lurks behind the slogan of "overcoming individualism"; it is the contrary of Prussian feeling, which has livingly experienced through exemplary leaders the necessity of disciplined devotion and possesses accordingly the inward freedom that comes with the fulfilment of duty, the ordering of oneself, command of oneself, for the sake of a great aim."
Spengler does this not with rationalism, but through empirical observation to identify the physiognomy of the respective nations inspired by Goethe's scientific methodology.
England has Darwin, Mill, Hume, Maltuse, and Hobbes
Germany has Hegel, Nietzsche, Kant, Humboldt, and Herder
England has Newton and Rothschild, Germany has Leibniz and Frederick the Great
It has come to no surprise that England has always been shy towards metaphysics or the more serious and critical analysis of nature. Germany, on the other hand, has gone from provided concepts like "bildungsroman" or "lebensraum" to the "Ding an sich", while England didn't even have compulsory education until way later after industrialization.
The reason for this dichotomy is because of the need for a stronger militarised community. Akin to the collective might of humanity in Starship Troopers, Prussia/Germany needed a stronger sense of community for survival. Prussia, had no natural borders and lacked the natural resources of France, etc. The "army needed a state" in order to survive. England on the other hand didn't need a strong land army, but they did excel at naval warfare and mercantile commercial affairs and this development is more than likely possible due to geographical reasons. Just take a look at the Seven Years War (abandonment of Frederick II), the War of the Coalition (not helping Austria, etc. on the continent), and despite this shyness from the battle they still remain a superpower. While the British army were fodder compared to the German Empire's might in WWI, the English did indeed proved excellence in cutting off food supplies from the Geman civilian population with a naval blockade. It almost seems that England can get away with whatever they do, as whenever England abandons their allies in wars, all they'll ever get is a remark or a slap on their wrist.
Spengler then explains that Marxism is a byproduct of English philosophy that has been brought to the continent. He explains that it is an ideology that is abstracted from reality in the sense that it had brought Marx's belief in class warfare out of his time in England, to a continent that could not correctly conceive of such a concept.
Thus we can delinate the differences according to the following: dictatorship of money or of organizational talent, the world as booty or as a true state, wealth or political authority, success or vocation.
Spengler then summarizes his definition of Prussianism, the anthesis to both English and Bolshevik thinking:
"Socialism of every sort is thinking from below, building on base instincts, canonizing the herd-feeling which everywhere today lurks behind the slogan of "overcoming individualism"; it is the contrary of Prussian feeling, which has livingly experienced through exemplary leaders the necessity of disciplined devotion and possesses accordingly the inward freedom that comes with the fulfilment of duty, the ordering of oneself, command of oneself, for the sake of a great aim."
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