The author gained access to previously restricted documents from a Foundling Hospital in London. The documents, first-hand accounts and letters of working class women, their friends, family and acquaintances allow the author to examine the sexual mores and behaviors of working-class women in Victorian London.
Much of the book consists of providing detailed excerpts from these documents to rebut the dominant middle-class/bourgeois view of working class sexuality and fertility behavior. Middle-class observers/reformers/evangelists viewed the pre-marital sexual relations, births out of wedlock, and large families of working people as sins and travesties, tarnishing the Empire. In particular, much blame was attributed to loose sexual mores and promiscuity. The author rebuts these views by showing how sexual behavior and fertility among working peoples followed its own set of mores that delinked sexual behavior from marriage. Pre-marital sexual relations were condoned by families but it was implcitily understood that the men had promised themselves to the women and that marriage would eventually ensue and that financial and material support would be offered in the event of pregnancy. These mores were rooted in fertility mores from agrarian working communities in previous centuries, and were being eroded by the anonymity of the city, the volatility of employment and income in an industrial society, and the erosion of social support for unmarried women as embodied by the Poor Law of 1834.
The final section of the book, which details how women, men, family members, and employers responded once the pregnancy could no longer be concealed is particularly good. The author's exploration of how working women tried to deal with poverty, childbirth, and the necessity of working without any real ability to force men to pay child support or any assisstance in the form of maternity leave is still relevant. The inability of working women to breastfeed children at work (or the inability of working women to bring their children to work), required women to find childminders and wet nurses at substantial cost. The difficulties of reconciling industrial (and post-industrial) patterns of work with raising children remains unresolved. The book also highlights how maternity leave has different implications for women in different occupations/income levels. While only providing maternity leave (instead of family leave) can widen the wage gap and reduce women's upward mobility in skilled labor positions, for poorer women working as unskilled labor, maternity leave ensures they do not have to give up their children to make ends meet.
Men primarily appear in these narratives as individuals who abandoned the women they had promised marriage/engagement to and refused to provide material compensation to help women through confinment and the first year of child-rearing. The explanations for men's behavior are varied, ranging from the vagaries of industrial employment and financial insecurity to callousness and brutality. Regardless, the changing legal framework and options for immigration combined to allow men to leave with impunity, leading to the breakdown of the sexual mores of working peoples.