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Ascetic Games: Sadhus, Akharas and the Making of the Hindu Vote
The world of the naga sadhus is collapsing. Some might say it has been reduced to a spectacle.
Dhirendra K. Jha spent over a decade tunnelling his way into the highly secretive world of the sadhus. What he finds is explosive: the story of how political groups have infiltrated the community, and of how akharas across northern India have been repurposed for inflaming the Babri masjid–Ram Janmabhoomi issue.
He finds fraud and murder, money and power games, and a shrinking of the space for spiritual asceticism. Hearteningly, he also finds that a section among the sadhus is now pushing back.
Deeply researched and finely nuanced, this is investigative reporting at its best. It is also a human story, told with empathy.
Dhirendra K. Jha spent over a decade tunnelling his way into the highly secretive world of the sadhus. What he finds is explosive: the story of how political groups have infiltrated the community, and of how akharas across northern India have been repurposed for inflaming the Babri masjid–Ram Janmabhoomi issue.
He finds fraud and murder, money and power games, and a shrinking of the space for spiritual asceticism. Hearteningly, he also finds that a section among the sadhus is now pushing back.
Deeply researched and finely nuanced, this is investigative reporting at its best. It is also a human story, told with empathy.
216 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2019
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150 people want to read
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Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews
February 5, 2021
The books into horrid details and intricacies of "Akharas" and the games that ascetics play in the making of Indian politics. It also outlines how religion has come to play an extremely important role in determining who comes to power in the country.
August 9, 2020
I bought the book at the end of the Ardh Kumbh Mela of 2019. I was fascinated by the lives of those sadhus smeared in ash who take a dip in the holy river and I thought this book would provide insight. It is a good read no doubt, opened my eyes to stories that I would never know but the author tries very hard to malign everything that is happening in Varanasi, Haridwar, etc. There is a good and bad side to every element on this planet and Hinduism as preached by the gurus these days has its dark sides too.
But Mr. Dhirendra K. Jha went with a magnifying glass to nitpick stuff and paint the whole system black. Looks like he compiled it just to satisfy his left-leaning friends and of course to fuel further criticism of RSS and BJP's agenda.
In the due course of reading this book, I noticed the author has contributed articles to The Caravan, Scroll.in, and The Telegraph. This confirmed my belief (which I tried to ignore really hard) that this book is extremely biased. A lot of times while reading the book, you will notice the unnecessary exaggeration of certain incidents which only confirms your thought process that he is trying too hard to prove his point.
There are good insights about the dealings in the holy cities of India which a regular Hindu like me would never come to know. Thanks for bringing that to light. Also, there is an unnecessary amount of pages dedicated to some random swami trying to flex his muscles in some random parishad or sansad. At some point, you get too confused.
I would honestly not re-read it or suggest it to anyone else. The 2 stars are for his effort in digging all the information out. The 3 stars are missing because the book overpromises and delivers something else.
But Mr. Dhirendra K. Jha went with a magnifying glass to nitpick stuff and paint the whole system black. Looks like he compiled it just to satisfy his left-leaning friends and of course to fuel further criticism of RSS and BJP's agenda.
In the due course of reading this book, I noticed the author has contributed articles to The Caravan, Scroll.in, and The Telegraph. This confirmed my belief (which I tried to ignore really hard) that this book is extremely biased. A lot of times while reading the book, you will notice the unnecessary exaggeration of certain incidents which only confirms your thought process that he is trying too hard to prove his point.
There are good insights about the dealings in the holy cities of India which a regular Hindu like me would never come to know. Thanks for bringing that to light. Also, there is an unnecessary amount of pages dedicated to some random swami trying to flex his muscles in some random parishad or sansad. At some point, you get too confused.
I would honestly not re-read it or suggest it to anyone else. The 2 stars are for his effort in digging all the information out. The 3 stars are missing because the book overpromises and delivers something else.
November 26, 2019
Search the Web for Naga Sadhus, Kumbh Mela or Akharas. You would find endless feed of websites, articles, documentaries dishing out things ranging from, spirituality, occultism to martial prowess and even black magic depending on the thickness of the veneer of trust they would like to cloak themselves with. Some even shift gear to educate you on differences between Nagas and Aghoris.
The various 'history' narratives attribute their inception to threat to Hinduism from Islam, Buddhism or anything that fancies the agenda of the narrator.
The world of dazzling variety of Sadhus and Swamijis, ranging from various names of Nagas like Hanumanghari, Digambar, Nirvani etc., Multitude of Acharyas and Shankaracharyas, Mahamandaleshwars and confusing titles.
All this infuse a sense of magical mystery and sensational curiosity to the tourists, casually interested and even common man.
With this book, Dhirendra Jha, in his own words, has opened up a trap door to reveal the various orders, their inter dynamics, power play, their personalities and their insecurities.
//
What I found in Hanumangarhi was not a world informed by the spiritual strength of its ascetics but one formed by the brute force of syndicates of armed sadhus who fight among themselves—sometimes even engaging in open battles—for wealth and power.
//
In that process he breaks the myths associated with them in terms of their history, their organisation and their motives. While doing so he also explains how from the inception, they were politicised and in the process were driven by their greed and power rather than pursuit of spirituality.
//
However, the sadhus’ armed ancestors were motivated by other ambitions, unlike what their descendants believe. Early records of militant nagas show that, during the medieval period, they behaved like any other group of professional fighters—driven by money rather than any grand political agenda. They frequently took up assignments as mercenaries and worked like small-scale guerrilla armies during the seventeenth, eighteenth and even early nineteenth centuries.
//
//
Sir Jadunath Sarkar records the number of naga bands of Shaiva and Vaishnava sadhus who fought in numerous battles for the rajas of Rajputana, Gujarat and other regions—both defensive and aggressive—and in turn were rewarded with grants of land and annual allowances. During all of eighteenth century, they were employed in service to the maharajas of Udaipur, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Bikaner, Baroda, Marwar, Bhuj and many other kingdoms, and in many instances were part of a regularly paid standing army.
//
infact their martial motives did not get limited by choice of religion as they had also fought for Islamic kings and Princess against Hindu kings in some cases.
//
famous eighteenth-century Dasanami nagas—Rajendra Giri Gosain and the brothers Anup Giri Gosain and Umrao Giri Gosain, who were both Rajendra Giri’s chelas.8 Sarkar’s work reveals the extent of these naga warlords’ power, wealth, influence and duplicity. At the height of their careers, the brothers commanded a force of up to 40,000 horse and foot soldiers. Between 1751 and 1753, Rajendra Giri remained ‘the moving spirit’ behind all the military enterprises of Safdar Jang, the wazir of Mughal emperor Ahmad Shah and ruler of the Mughal province of Awadh. After Rajendra Giri’s death in 1753, his disciples Anup Giri and Umrao Giri continued to render service to Safdar Jang and then his successor, Shuja-ud-Daulah. They proved their loyalty to their Mughal patron against the Hindu raja of Banaras, Balwant Singh. When Shuja-ud-Daulah joined forces with Afghans, the nagas also fought against the Marathas. Sarkar describes how, before the Battle of Panipat in 1761, an assembly of Afghans were ‘most upset’ at the sight of the naked army of Shuja-ud-Daulah, ‘with their things and buttocks exposed’.
.....As generations passed, the history of the nagas underwent a metamorphosis and gave birth to a firmly embedded myth. This myth-history goes that the nagas took up arms to protect the Hindu religion and that they were the last line of defence against foreign invaders, both Muslim and British. The truth, however, is that the armed ancestors of present-day sadhus were mercenaries who served transient masters of any shade of faith.
//
The net sum of their activities always were focused at the consolidation of power based on the wealth associated with the various temples and institutions. Their power was derived from the control they had on the immense properties associated with the temple and Ashrams.
//
Underneath the veneer of divinity lie stories of bloody successions in temples and ashrams—especially those that have immense landed properties donated by the nawabs of Awadh and other princely states during the colonial era—that reveal Ayodhya as the lawless killing field of sadhus.
//
Connect this with the contemporary demand in TN by the likes of H.Rajah where they are demanding that the temple lands to be transferred to priestly class from endowment board. This explains the motive behind that demand.
There could be complaints about how the temple lands were modified by individuals. However one cannot deny that in vesting the control of the lands with the endowment board and by extension with the state government, had ensured that the power is with the state and not a group of individuals besides providing legal transparency - however limited may be - with no pontiffs and their proliferated off springs can usurp it.
From the early days of freedom movement, the painted spirituality and the mystery captured the fantasy of the early pioneers of reform and activism in British India. It left various effect on them almost all of them avoiding the Sadhus and their glamour after seeing through them.
Gandhi as soon as he returned to India from South Africa, went to meet them thinking that they could help him to further the cause of freedom of the country, however quickly realizing the futility of it and abandoning the effort.
//
Immediately after his return to India from South Africa, Gandhi made his way to Haridwar for the Kumbh Mela in 1915. He was quite keen to be at the great religious gathering and was eager to meet with the sadhus of Haridwar. He had expected a utopian world of respectful holy men, but he was sorely disappointed. Gandhi revealed this a few years later in January 1921, while addressing a large number of sadhus of the Swaminarayan sect at Vadtal village in Kheda district of Gujarat: I am always eager to meet sadhus. When I visited the Kumbhmela in Haridwar, I tried to go into all akhadas of sadhus in search of a sadhu who would gladden my heart. I met every sadhu who had acquired some reputation but I must say I was disappointed. I am convinced that sadhus are an ornament to India and that, if the country lives, it will be thanks to them. But I see very little of the goodness of sadhus today.
//
However the rest of the Congress leaders still nurtured the hope that large gathering offered by Kumbh Mela could be used to garner support and continued to do so.
//
Though Gandhi’s initial eagerness to recruit sadhus to the nationalist cause was extinguished by the overwhelming narrowness of mind displayed by the akharas, Kumbh Melas continued to attract a section of Congress leaders, such as Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Madan Mohan Malaviya and even Nehru, who saw it as a platform that could carry their propaganda deep into the country. They were not yet ready to accept that a religious congregation of this kind was too narrow and tradition-bound to act as a conduit for an inclusive nationalism.
.... But, as it turned out, the Congress’s efforts seldom had any long-term impact as it could not sustain the sadhus’ enthusiasm beyond the duration of the Kumbh Melas. The pledges of these ascetics proved to be hollow and the Kumbh an empty vessel.
//
Contemporaries of Gandhi, also gave up on them realising the futility of the effort.
Baba Saheb Ambedkar, though close to Sant Gaadge Baba who was a reformer anti caste activist in his own right, avoided the brand of Sadhus espoused by the Dasanamis and Shankaracharyas recognizing them for the caste hegemony they represented instinctively from the beginning.
Periyar who after initial fantasy with the brand of spirituality Sadhus offered tried to join their ranks during his younger days. However looking at them from close quarters, it repelled him for the caste hegemony it represented and hypocrisy it propagated. That resulted him in dumping it
totally turning a atheist for life.
However RSS right from its inception days, saw an opportunity of consolidation of power and access to wealth and too much of an opportunity to let go. There started the inception of VHP and their brand of manipulations and power play.
This book with research and journalistic perseverance tries to shed light on these machinations.
//The political motivation of the majority of sadhus today is straightforward: to make India a ‘Hindu Rashtra’ in which they hope to attain the status of an ecclesiastical headquarter. This signifies the emergence of what seemed rather hard to imagine even a few decades ago—the making of political Hinduism in secular India. The RSS’s role in this is undeniable and so is its presence in the ascetic community—a presence that has turned a certain section of sadhus into a spiritual machine.
The Vishva Hindu Parishad was born out of that meeting and has since been a two-tier structure—while a group of RSS pracharaks acts as the core of the body, a vast network of prominent sadhus of various Hindu religious sects formulate Hindu perspectives not just on social but also on political issues, to be propagated to other Hindus. In the beginning, this network of sadhus was a loose structure, but later it was given a formal shape under the name of ‘margdarshak mandal’. It was in accordance with this objective that Golwalkar appointed one of his closest associates, RSS prachakarak S.S. Apte, as the first general secretary of the VHP and an influential sadhu close to the RSS, Swami Chinmayananda, as its first president. Their appointment symbolised the association between RSS pracharaks and Hindu sadhus, an association that has remained the cornerstone of the VHP ever since. Raising the Hinduism-in-danger bogey, Apte gave a clear hint of the VHP’s political agenda right after the Bombay meeting in 1964.
//
With issue of Babri Masjid and Ram janmabhoomi, came the natural opportunity which gave RSS a vehicle to mount their campaign and this made Ayodhya the focus of their moves.
Intiatial days, astute congressmen, specifically Narasimha Rao realized the power play within the Sadhus and played with the help of Godmen, like Chandra Swami to scuttle the power of RSS and their faction from claiming any real power. However with time and planned incursion, Jha explains, how VHP and thereby RSS shifted the balance in their favour.
//
The influx of RSS cadres into the world of sadhus seems set to continue. In the present day, the spread of modern education and proliferation of other sources of income has meant that Hindu monastic orders no longer get enough new entrants. RSS pracharaks, though, are a readymade breeding ground for Hindu asceticism. Pracharaks perhaps begin with idealism, setting out to steer the nation towards the RSS’s vision and protect what they are taught is the true nature of Hinduism, all the while living the life of a wanderer and surviving on contributions from swayamsevaks. When the initial enthusiasm starts to fade, their options are limited to either making a U-turn and becoming householders or shifting to active politics. But not everyone can easily make that switch. For those who can’t, Hindu asceticism offers a sustained source of income and sometimes even the possibility of crawling up the ladder if they can muster clout with the Sangh Parivar.
...
‘There was a time, and not so long ago, when sadhus and the Sangh used to speak in different languages as the priorities of the two were vastly different. Sadhus with an RSS background used to have more clarity with regard to challenges the Hindu religion faced and they were more concerned about issues related to national security and national pride than other members of the community,’ said Vijay Kaushal Maharaj, Vrindavan-based pracharak-turned-sadhu. ‘In course of time, however, the situation has changed. Interactions in the last few decades have flattened out all distinctions among sadhus. Now most of the sadhus, irrespective of whether they come from an RSS background or not, speak the same language.’
//
The book also gives an ring side view of how the power is tilted towards RSS, VHP and By extension to their political vehicle BJP and their interdependence. This resulting in new heights in the form of Yogi Adityanath taking the reins of the state and Narendra Modi at the helm in center.
This also notes how the upper castes are promoted and lower castes are kept out is the power, by structuring their roles, in accordance with Varna system RSS seeks to enforce with Brahmins always at the top.
//
According to Sinha and Saraswati, until the beginning of the twentieth century, nagas used to attribute the highest honour to the dandis, whom they regarded as gurus, and in the Kumbh processions, nagas carried the palanquin of shankaracharyas, who were considered spiritual heads of all Dasanami sanyasis. ‘But in one Kumbha mela at Haridwar there was a dispute between the Dandis and the Paramhansas because the former were too proud of their being Brahmin and considered the Paramhansas and the Nagas inferior. At this, the Nagas together with the Paramhansas refused to pay respect to the Dandis. Consequently, the Dandis also refused to initiate the Naga Digambaras as well as the Paramhansas into sannyasa, as had been the established custom. This necessitated the latter to have someone from their own group who must be a Brahmin and who was entitled to act as an Acharya for the sannyasa.
//
The author also brings out how VHP plays the role of arbitrator among the various orders is sadhu and ensuring that their support is vital for any sadhu to attain any importance.
//
Mathamanaya, in particular, is used by the pontiffs of the four main peethas to legitimise them—Jyotish peetha (Badrinath–Kedarnath), Sringeri peetha (Chikamagalur), Govardhan peetha (Jagannath Puri) and Dwarka peetha (Dwarka)—to the exclusion of other claims. ‘Even in the nineteenth century the claims of the official four mathas to be the only legitimate ones were far from universally established,’ writes Matthew Clark.6 ‘Over the previous few hundred years, several other advaita mathas have also claimed legitimacy, many of the disputes being settled by royal decree or by a court case.’ This ambiguity gives rise to an unending number of claims to the position of jagat guru. According to Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati, there are over 100 shankaracharyas today. He also claimed that their numbers continue to swell. Nishchalanand Saraswati, shankaracharya of Govardhan peetha, was also of the same opinion. Varanasi, in particular, has become a manufacturing hub of shankaracharyas. Sumeru peetha, located in this town, is claimed by the VHP and a section of Dasanami sanyasis to be the fifth peetha founded by Adi Shankara as the northern peetha, though, many theologians describe the fifth peetha as an allegorical ‘heavenly’ peetha. A pair of wooden sandals called paduka, believed to have been used by Shankara, is preserved here and hence it is also called Paduka matha. Sumeru peetha is no stranger to controversies either. As of March 2019, two shankaracharyas—Narendranand and Chinmayananda—claim to be its pontiff.
...
In the VHP’s quest to obtain support from religious figures, they found that the shankaracharyas of the four main peethas were largely unwilling to sacrifice their independence to the Hindutva project, and hence it had to manufacture support as well as shankaracharyas.
//
To summarize, this book offers a vivid frame of how the power play of Sadhus is used for the rise and later cementing the power of the Sangh forces. It seems to unravel the subtle under currents within the dichotomy of the Sadhus and the Sangh.
It offers a lesson on what would come if that model is allowed in the rest of the country, as RSS and BJP is seeking, be it Shabharimala, Srirangam or Chidambaram.
Ascetic Games: Sadhus, Akharas and the Making of the Hindu Vote
The various 'history' narratives attribute their inception to threat to Hinduism from Islam, Buddhism or anything that fancies the agenda of the narrator.
The world of dazzling variety of Sadhus and Swamijis, ranging from various names of Nagas like Hanumanghari, Digambar, Nirvani etc., Multitude of Acharyas and Shankaracharyas, Mahamandaleshwars and confusing titles.
All this infuse a sense of magical mystery and sensational curiosity to the tourists, casually interested and even common man.
With this book, Dhirendra Jha, in his own words, has opened up a trap door to reveal the various orders, their inter dynamics, power play, their personalities and their insecurities.
//
What I found in Hanumangarhi was not a world informed by the spiritual strength of its ascetics but one formed by the brute force of syndicates of armed sadhus who fight among themselves—sometimes even engaging in open battles—for wealth and power.
//
In that process he breaks the myths associated with them in terms of their history, their organisation and their motives. While doing so he also explains how from the inception, they were politicised and in the process were driven by their greed and power rather than pursuit of spirituality.
//
However, the sadhus’ armed ancestors were motivated by other ambitions, unlike what their descendants believe. Early records of militant nagas show that, during the medieval period, they behaved like any other group of professional fighters—driven by money rather than any grand political agenda. They frequently took up assignments as mercenaries and worked like small-scale guerrilla armies during the seventeenth, eighteenth and even early nineteenth centuries.
//
//
Sir Jadunath Sarkar records the number of naga bands of Shaiva and Vaishnava sadhus who fought in numerous battles for the rajas of Rajputana, Gujarat and other regions—both defensive and aggressive—and in turn were rewarded with grants of land and annual allowances. During all of eighteenth century, they were employed in service to the maharajas of Udaipur, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Bikaner, Baroda, Marwar, Bhuj and many other kingdoms, and in many instances were part of a regularly paid standing army.
//
infact their martial motives did not get limited by choice of religion as they had also fought for Islamic kings and Princess against Hindu kings in some cases.
//
famous eighteenth-century Dasanami nagas—Rajendra Giri Gosain and the brothers Anup Giri Gosain and Umrao Giri Gosain, who were both Rajendra Giri’s chelas.8 Sarkar’s work reveals the extent of these naga warlords’ power, wealth, influence and duplicity. At the height of their careers, the brothers commanded a force of up to 40,000 horse and foot soldiers. Between 1751 and 1753, Rajendra Giri remained ‘the moving spirit’ behind all the military enterprises of Safdar Jang, the wazir of Mughal emperor Ahmad Shah and ruler of the Mughal province of Awadh. After Rajendra Giri’s death in 1753, his disciples Anup Giri and Umrao Giri continued to render service to Safdar Jang and then his successor, Shuja-ud-Daulah. They proved their loyalty to their Mughal patron against the Hindu raja of Banaras, Balwant Singh. When Shuja-ud-Daulah joined forces with Afghans, the nagas also fought against the Marathas. Sarkar describes how, before the Battle of Panipat in 1761, an assembly of Afghans were ‘most upset’ at the sight of the naked army of Shuja-ud-Daulah, ‘with their things and buttocks exposed’.
.....As generations passed, the history of the nagas underwent a metamorphosis and gave birth to a firmly embedded myth. This myth-history goes that the nagas took up arms to protect the Hindu religion and that they were the last line of defence against foreign invaders, both Muslim and British. The truth, however, is that the armed ancestors of present-day sadhus were mercenaries who served transient masters of any shade of faith.
//
The net sum of their activities always were focused at the consolidation of power based on the wealth associated with the various temples and institutions. Their power was derived from the control they had on the immense properties associated with the temple and Ashrams.
//
Underneath the veneer of divinity lie stories of bloody successions in temples and ashrams—especially those that have immense landed properties donated by the nawabs of Awadh and other princely states during the colonial era—that reveal Ayodhya as the lawless killing field of sadhus.
//
Connect this with the contemporary demand in TN by the likes of H.Rajah where they are demanding that the temple lands to be transferred to priestly class from endowment board. This explains the motive behind that demand.
There could be complaints about how the temple lands were modified by individuals. However one cannot deny that in vesting the control of the lands with the endowment board and by extension with the state government, had ensured that the power is with the state and not a group of individuals besides providing legal transparency - however limited may be - with no pontiffs and their proliferated off springs can usurp it.
From the early days of freedom movement, the painted spirituality and the mystery captured the fantasy of the early pioneers of reform and activism in British India. It left various effect on them almost all of them avoiding the Sadhus and their glamour after seeing through them.
Gandhi as soon as he returned to India from South Africa, went to meet them thinking that they could help him to further the cause of freedom of the country, however quickly realizing the futility of it and abandoning the effort.
//
Immediately after his return to India from South Africa, Gandhi made his way to Haridwar for the Kumbh Mela in 1915. He was quite keen to be at the great religious gathering and was eager to meet with the sadhus of Haridwar. He had expected a utopian world of respectful holy men, but he was sorely disappointed. Gandhi revealed this a few years later in January 1921, while addressing a large number of sadhus of the Swaminarayan sect at Vadtal village in Kheda district of Gujarat: I am always eager to meet sadhus. When I visited the Kumbhmela in Haridwar, I tried to go into all akhadas of sadhus in search of a sadhu who would gladden my heart. I met every sadhu who had acquired some reputation but I must say I was disappointed. I am convinced that sadhus are an ornament to India and that, if the country lives, it will be thanks to them. But I see very little of the goodness of sadhus today.
//
However the rest of the Congress leaders still nurtured the hope that large gathering offered by Kumbh Mela could be used to garner support and continued to do so.
//
Though Gandhi’s initial eagerness to recruit sadhus to the nationalist cause was extinguished by the overwhelming narrowness of mind displayed by the akharas, Kumbh Melas continued to attract a section of Congress leaders, such as Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Madan Mohan Malaviya and even Nehru, who saw it as a platform that could carry their propaganda deep into the country. They were not yet ready to accept that a religious congregation of this kind was too narrow and tradition-bound to act as a conduit for an inclusive nationalism.
.... But, as it turned out, the Congress’s efforts seldom had any long-term impact as it could not sustain the sadhus’ enthusiasm beyond the duration of the Kumbh Melas. The pledges of these ascetics proved to be hollow and the Kumbh an empty vessel.
//
Contemporaries of Gandhi, also gave up on them realising the futility of the effort.
Baba Saheb Ambedkar, though close to Sant Gaadge Baba who was a reformer anti caste activist in his own right, avoided the brand of Sadhus espoused by the Dasanamis and Shankaracharyas recognizing them for the caste hegemony they represented instinctively from the beginning.
Periyar who after initial fantasy with the brand of spirituality Sadhus offered tried to join their ranks during his younger days. However looking at them from close quarters, it repelled him for the caste hegemony it represented and hypocrisy it propagated. That resulted him in dumping it
totally turning a atheist for life.
However RSS right from its inception days, saw an opportunity of consolidation of power and access to wealth and too much of an opportunity to let go. There started the inception of VHP and their brand of manipulations and power play.
This book with research and journalistic perseverance tries to shed light on these machinations.
//The political motivation of the majority of sadhus today is straightforward: to make India a ‘Hindu Rashtra’ in which they hope to attain the status of an ecclesiastical headquarter. This signifies the emergence of what seemed rather hard to imagine even a few decades ago—the making of political Hinduism in secular India. The RSS’s role in this is undeniable and so is its presence in the ascetic community—a presence that has turned a certain section of sadhus into a spiritual machine.
The Vishva Hindu Parishad was born out of that meeting and has since been a two-tier structure—while a group of RSS pracharaks acts as the core of the body, a vast network of prominent sadhus of various Hindu religious sects formulate Hindu perspectives not just on social but also on political issues, to be propagated to other Hindus. In the beginning, this network of sadhus was a loose structure, but later it was given a formal shape under the name of ‘margdarshak mandal’. It was in accordance with this objective that Golwalkar appointed one of his closest associates, RSS prachakarak S.S. Apte, as the first general secretary of the VHP and an influential sadhu close to the RSS, Swami Chinmayananda, as its first president. Their appointment symbolised the association between RSS pracharaks and Hindu sadhus, an association that has remained the cornerstone of the VHP ever since. Raising the Hinduism-in-danger bogey, Apte gave a clear hint of the VHP’s political agenda right after the Bombay meeting in 1964.
//
With issue of Babri Masjid and Ram janmabhoomi, came the natural opportunity which gave RSS a vehicle to mount their campaign and this made Ayodhya the focus of their moves.
Intiatial days, astute congressmen, specifically Narasimha Rao realized the power play within the Sadhus and played with the help of Godmen, like Chandra Swami to scuttle the power of RSS and their faction from claiming any real power. However with time and planned incursion, Jha explains, how VHP and thereby RSS shifted the balance in their favour.
//
The influx of RSS cadres into the world of sadhus seems set to continue. In the present day, the spread of modern education and proliferation of other sources of income has meant that Hindu monastic orders no longer get enough new entrants. RSS pracharaks, though, are a readymade breeding ground for Hindu asceticism. Pracharaks perhaps begin with idealism, setting out to steer the nation towards the RSS’s vision and protect what they are taught is the true nature of Hinduism, all the while living the life of a wanderer and surviving on contributions from swayamsevaks. When the initial enthusiasm starts to fade, their options are limited to either making a U-turn and becoming householders or shifting to active politics. But not everyone can easily make that switch. For those who can’t, Hindu asceticism offers a sustained source of income and sometimes even the possibility of crawling up the ladder if they can muster clout with the Sangh Parivar.
...
‘There was a time, and not so long ago, when sadhus and the Sangh used to speak in different languages as the priorities of the two were vastly different. Sadhus with an RSS background used to have more clarity with regard to challenges the Hindu religion faced and they were more concerned about issues related to national security and national pride than other members of the community,’ said Vijay Kaushal Maharaj, Vrindavan-based pracharak-turned-sadhu. ‘In course of time, however, the situation has changed. Interactions in the last few decades have flattened out all distinctions among sadhus. Now most of the sadhus, irrespective of whether they come from an RSS background or not, speak the same language.’
//
The book also gives an ring side view of how the power is tilted towards RSS, VHP and By extension to their political vehicle BJP and their interdependence. This resulting in new heights in the form of Yogi Adityanath taking the reins of the state and Narendra Modi at the helm in center.
This also notes how the upper castes are promoted and lower castes are kept out is the power, by structuring their roles, in accordance with Varna system RSS seeks to enforce with Brahmins always at the top.
//
According to Sinha and Saraswati, until the beginning of the twentieth century, nagas used to attribute the highest honour to the dandis, whom they regarded as gurus, and in the Kumbh processions, nagas carried the palanquin of shankaracharyas, who were considered spiritual heads of all Dasanami sanyasis. ‘But in one Kumbha mela at Haridwar there was a dispute between the Dandis and the Paramhansas because the former were too proud of their being Brahmin and considered the Paramhansas and the Nagas inferior. At this, the Nagas together with the Paramhansas refused to pay respect to the Dandis. Consequently, the Dandis also refused to initiate the Naga Digambaras as well as the Paramhansas into sannyasa, as had been the established custom. This necessitated the latter to have someone from their own group who must be a Brahmin and who was entitled to act as an Acharya for the sannyasa.
//
The author also brings out how VHP plays the role of arbitrator among the various orders is sadhu and ensuring that their support is vital for any sadhu to attain any importance.
//
Mathamanaya, in particular, is used by the pontiffs of the four main peethas to legitimise them—Jyotish peetha (Badrinath–Kedarnath), Sringeri peetha (Chikamagalur), Govardhan peetha (Jagannath Puri) and Dwarka peetha (Dwarka)—to the exclusion of other claims. ‘Even in the nineteenth century the claims of the official four mathas to be the only legitimate ones were far from universally established,’ writes Matthew Clark.6 ‘Over the previous few hundred years, several other advaita mathas have also claimed legitimacy, many of the disputes being settled by royal decree or by a court case.’ This ambiguity gives rise to an unending number of claims to the position of jagat guru. According to Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati, there are over 100 shankaracharyas today. He also claimed that their numbers continue to swell. Nishchalanand Saraswati, shankaracharya of Govardhan peetha, was also of the same opinion. Varanasi, in particular, has become a manufacturing hub of shankaracharyas. Sumeru peetha, located in this town, is claimed by the VHP and a section of Dasanami sanyasis to be the fifth peetha founded by Adi Shankara as the northern peetha, though, many theologians describe the fifth peetha as an allegorical ‘heavenly’ peetha. A pair of wooden sandals called paduka, believed to have been used by Shankara, is preserved here and hence it is also called Paduka matha. Sumeru peetha is no stranger to controversies either. As of March 2019, two shankaracharyas—Narendranand and Chinmayananda—claim to be its pontiff.
...
In the VHP’s quest to obtain support from religious figures, they found that the shankaracharyas of the four main peethas were largely unwilling to sacrifice their independence to the Hindutva project, and hence it had to manufacture support as well as shankaracharyas.
//
To summarize, this book offers a vivid frame of how the power play of Sadhus is used for the rise and later cementing the power of the Sangh forces. It seems to unravel the subtle under currents within the dichotomy of the Sadhus and the Sangh.
It offers a lesson on what would come if that model is allowed in the rest of the country, as RSS and BJP is seeking, be it Shabharimala, Srirangam or Chidambaram.
Ascetic Games: Sadhus, Akharas and the Making of the Hindu Vote
July 16, 2022
Gist : Dhirendra Jha’s Ascetic Games gives an inside view into the insidious world of sadhus and akharas, and how politics, power, and money rather than spirituality are the fuel that drives them.
When Westland Books announced it was shutting down in February 2022, I immediately ordered a couple of books for my library - one of them was Dhirendra Jha’s Ascetic Games. The book explores the world of Sadhus, the workings of Akharas, and how in recent times, politics has upended asceticism. The author in the introduction acknowledges that the book is ‘more about money, power, and influence rather than spirituality.’ So, the author - true to his word - begins with attempted murder.
Guru & Chela
Before I go any further, let me describe a couple of terms. First, a mahant is a chief of a temple or the head of a monastery. Second, an akhara is a nodal organization or a steering committee that organizes Kumbh Mela. The mahant of an akhara is supposed to be a spiritual leader. In reality, they yield powerful influence around their circle. And as a consequence, several people aspire to become one. So, how does one become a mahant?
The guru or the incumbent mahant predominantly selects his chela or disciple as his successor. However, if a mahant dies without nominating someone, the committee holds an election to elect the successor. In recent times, politics and money has been used to obtain the nomination. In some instances, the successors who had no history with the akhara or the guru have been appointed. In another instance, the author narrates the story of Mahant Yugal Bihari Das, a mahant from Ayodhya who left the town for a brief trip. His disciple, Ramagya Das, declared Yugal Bihari Das dead, conducted rituals, and appointed himself as the mahant. Upon returning, Yugal Bihari Das tried to fight back in vain and ultimately decided to leave the town for his safety.
If the mahant decides to appoint his successor in his will, it becomes even more disturbing. Since the nominee does not need the guru anymore, there are instances of mahants dying in mysterious circumstances just weeks after writing their will. To make things worse, it is a ritual to dispose of the body of a sadhu without any mutilation (read: no post-mortem). Thus, without conducting a post-mortem, it is difficult to assess the cause of death. Isn’t it perfect for the murderer?
Almost 90% of court cases in Ayodhya are of crimes committed for mahantship. It is so prevalent that it is mentioned in Ayodhya’s folklore:
Politics of Kumbh Mela
Legend has it that when gods were transporting Amrit (or elixir) after Samudra Manthan (churning of the ocean) in a kumbh (or pot) to hide it from the demons, drops of it fell at four places - Allahabad, Haridwar, Nasik, and Ujjain - where the Kumbh Mela is now celebrated. It is celebrated about every 12 years in alignment with Jupiter’s orbit which is approximately 11.86 years.
Over the past decades, the Kumbh Mela has become the platform for achieving political ends, especially for the BJP. It is important to delineate the differences between the BJP, RSS, and VHP. The BJP is the political wing, and RSS is the ideological-social wing that provides ideological direction and training supporters or sevaks. The VHP is the organizational wing that brings together mutts and sadhus to carry out activities at the behest of the RSS and BJP. The VHP plays a vital role by undertaking activities that are often politically unviable. This enables BJP to reap the benefits of activities without facing any political liabilities as it can always distance itself when it becomes inconvenient. For example, if VHP organizes a protest that becomes violent, BJP can conveniently state that they are not related to the VHP.
One of the earliest instances of using Kumbh Mela to achieve political ends was in the 1920s. Mahatma Gandhi attended the Kumbh Mela expecting a utopian world of respectful holy men. However, he was sorely disappointed by what he saw. Later, Nehru tried to use it as a platform to galvanize the sadhus in India’s struggle against the British, only to fail miserably.
Even VHP and the Sangh Parivar in the 1950s and 60s repeatedly tried to use Kumbh Mela to spread political messages and promote Hindu supremacist ideology. In 1966, VHP organized World Hindu Conference at Allahabad Kumbh which was well attended by all sadhus and raised a clarion call for the ban on cow slaughter. On 7 November 1966, more than one lakh sadhus gheraoed the Parliament before it became violent. Indira Gandhi crushed the protest by calling the army and imposing a curfew. The protest was brutally crushed and Sadhus were beaten. This left sadhus disillusioned. Even during the imposition of the emergency, sadhus supported Indira Gandhi and in return, she assured the government would not interfere with religious proceedings at the Kumbh Mela.
Now VHP had to restrategize and gain the trust of the sadhus. They decided to infiltrate sadhus by swayamsevaks and pracharks in the 1980s. As the number of sadhus with RSS backgrounds increased, VHP’s efforts and messages garnered greater support. VHP also started organizing Dharam Sansad, which, unlike the World Hindu Conference was open for sadhus as well as supporters. It started taking an ‘uber militant tone.’
Initially, the VHP issued a diktat to the central government for the construction of the Ram temple in 1989. Since the government had the outside support of the BJP, they did not press for it. After Congress formed the government, it was clear what VHP wanted to achieve. In 1992, they organized the Ram Janmabhoomi movement in Ayodhya near the Babri Masjid - and the rest is history.
Recognizing True Naga
One of the biggest attractions in the Kumbh Mela is the nagas - people who were nothing but marigold garlands and smear their bodies with ash. Nagas - which means naked - are attached to akharas who go through special initiation and abandon their clothes. Unlike popular opinion that nagas were historically spiritual gurus, they were primarily mercenaries and behaved like any other group of professional fighters - driven by money rather than political agenda or spiritual awakening.
In recent times, nagas are used primarily as a prop at the Kumbh Mela. Since half of Ayodhya and Haridwar are owned by akharas, nagas are used to keep alive the symbols of their mercenary past showcased during Kumbh Melas. However, with the number of nagas dwindling and pressure to attract media attention, there has been a rise of ‘fake’ nagas.
To become a true naga, a person has to go through an elaborate process divided broadly into three rituals. First, a guru whispers a mantra into their ear and gives a new name. Second, there is an elaborate ritual to sever ties with their past and escape the cycle of life and death. Third and perhaps the most gruesome ritual is what differentiates true naga from others. This ritual - called tang tode, meaning 'broken leg' - is to break the membrane beneath the skin of the sanyasi's penis and it is believed that this emasculates him before he becomes a naga. The guru pulls the genitals three times with immense force. One of the true nagas mentions that this process left him unconscious after withering and shrieking in pain.
Final Thoughts
Ascetic Games is less than 200-page long — but don’t be fooled by its size as it packs enough content. The author has spent significant time traveling with sadhus and rigorously researched the world of sadhus. It gives an insight into the inside workings and insidious world of sadhus and akharas. However, it is difficult to keep up with hundreds of names - Das, Giris, Saraswatis, Ramshankars, Ramratis - thrown one after the other. One wishes the author had, instead, followed the trajectory of a couple of key people instead of including all the stories. Despite its flaws, it is an essential read for anyone interested in understanding the game of thrones played in the name of spirituality at the holy places.
When Westland Books announced it was shutting down in February 2022, I immediately ordered a couple of books for my library - one of them was Dhirendra Jha’s Ascetic Games. The book explores the world of Sadhus, the workings of Akharas, and how in recent times, politics has upended asceticism. The author in the introduction acknowledges that the book is ‘more about money, power, and influence rather than spirituality.’ So, the author - true to his word - begins with attempted murder.
Guru & Chela
Before I go any further, let me describe a couple of terms. First, a mahant is a chief of a temple or the head of a monastery. Second, an akhara is a nodal organization or a steering committee that organizes Kumbh Mela. The mahant of an akhara is supposed to be a spiritual leader. In reality, they yield powerful influence around their circle. And as a consequence, several people aspire to become one. So, how does one become a mahant?
The guru or the incumbent mahant predominantly selects his chela or disciple as his successor. However, if a mahant dies without nominating someone, the committee holds an election to elect the successor. In recent times, politics and money has been used to obtain the nomination. In some instances, the successors who had no history with the akhara or the guru have been appointed. In another instance, the author narrates the story of Mahant Yugal Bihari Das, a mahant from Ayodhya who left the town for a brief trip. His disciple, Ramagya Das, declared Yugal Bihari Das dead, conducted rituals, and appointed himself as the mahant. Upon returning, Yugal Bihari Das tried to fight back in vain and ultimately decided to leave the town for his safety.
If the mahant decides to appoint his successor in his will, it becomes even more disturbing. Since the nominee does not need the guru anymore, there are instances of mahants dying in mysterious circumstances just weeks after writing their will. To make things worse, it is a ritual to dispose of the body of a sadhu without any mutilation (read: no post-mortem). Thus, without conducting a post-mortem, it is difficult to assess the cause of death. Isn’t it perfect for the murderer?
Almost 90% of court cases in Ayodhya are of crimes committed for mahantship. It is so prevalent that it is mentioned in Ayodhya’s folklore:
Politics of Kumbh Mela
Legend has it that when gods were transporting Amrit (or elixir) after Samudra Manthan (churning of the ocean) in a kumbh (or pot) to hide it from the demons, drops of it fell at four places - Allahabad, Haridwar, Nasik, and Ujjain - where the Kumbh Mela is now celebrated. It is celebrated about every 12 years in alignment with Jupiter’s orbit which is approximately 11.86 years.
Over the past decades, the Kumbh Mela has become the platform for achieving political ends, especially for the BJP. It is important to delineate the differences between the BJP, RSS, and VHP. The BJP is the political wing, and RSS is the ideological-social wing that provides ideological direction and training supporters or sevaks. The VHP is the organizational wing that brings together mutts and sadhus to carry out activities at the behest of the RSS and BJP. The VHP plays a vital role by undertaking activities that are often politically unviable. This enables BJP to reap the benefits of activities without facing any political liabilities as it can always distance itself when it becomes inconvenient. For example, if VHP organizes a protest that becomes violent, BJP can conveniently state that they are not related to the VHP.
One of the earliest instances of using Kumbh Mela to achieve political ends was in the 1920s. Mahatma Gandhi attended the Kumbh Mela expecting a utopian world of respectful holy men. However, he was sorely disappointed by what he saw. Later, Nehru tried to use it as a platform to galvanize the sadhus in India’s struggle against the British, only to fail miserably.
Even VHP and the Sangh Parivar in the 1950s and 60s repeatedly tried to use Kumbh Mela to spread political messages and promote Hindu supremacist ideology. In 1966, VHP organized World Hindu Conference at Allahabad Kumbh which was well attended by all sadhus and raised a clarion call for the ban on cow slaughter. On 7 November 1966, more than one lakh sadhus gheraoed the Parliament before it became violent. Indira Gandhi crushed the protest by calling the army and imposing a curfew. The protest was brutally crushed and Sadhus were beaten. This left sadhus disillusioned. Even during the imposition of the emergency, sadhus supported Indira Gandhi and in return, she assured the government would not interfere with religious proceedings at the Kumbh Mela.
Now VHP had to restrategize and gain the trust of the sadhus. They decided to infiltrate sadhus by swayamsevaks and pracharks in the 1980s. As the number of sadhus with RSS backgrounds increased, VHP’s efforts and messages garnered greater support. VHP also started organizing Dharam Sansad, which, unlike the World Hindu Conference was open for sadhus as well as supporters. It started taking an ‘uber militant tone.’
Initially, the VHP issued a diktat to the central government for the construction of the Ram temple in 1989. Since the government had the outside support of the BJP, they did not press for it. After Congress formed the government, it was clear what VHP wanted to achieve. In 1992, they organized the Ram Janmabhoomi movement in Ayodhya near the Babri Masjid - and the rest is history.
Recognizing True Naga
One of the biggest attractions in the Kumbh Mela is the nagas - people who were nothing but marigold garlands and smear their bodies with ash. Nagas - which means naked - are attached to akharas who go through special initiation and abandon their clothes. Unlike popular opinion that nagas were historically spiritual gurus, they were primarily mercenaries and behaved like any other group of professional fighters - driven by money rather than political agenda or spiritual awakening.
In recent times, nagas are used primarily as a prop at the Kumbh Mela. Since half of Ayodhya and Haridwar are owned by akharas, nagas are used to keep alive the symbols of their mercenary past showcased during Kumbh Melas. However, with the number of nagas dwindling and pressure to attract media attention, there has been a rise of ‘fake’ nagas.
To become a true naga, a person has to go through an elaborate process divided broadly into three rituals. First, a guru whispers a mantra into their ear and gives a new name. Second, there is an elaborate ritual to sever ties with their past and escape the cycle of life and death. Third and perhaps the most gruesome ritual is what differentiates true naga from others. This ritual - called tang tode, meaning 'broken leg' - is to break the membrane beneath the skin of the sanyasi's penis and it is believed that this emasculates him before he becomes a naga. The guru pulls the genitals three times with immense force. One of the true nagas mentions that this process left him unconscious after withering and shrieking in pain.
Final Thoughts
Ascetic Games is less than 200-page long — but don’t be fooled by its size as it packs enough content. The author has spent significant time traveling with sadhus and rigorously researched the world of sadhus. It gives an insight into the inside workings and insidious world of sadhus and akharas. However, it is difficult to keep up with hundreds of names - Das, Giris, Saraswatis, Ramshankars, Ramratis - thrown one after the other. One wishes the author had, instead, followed the trajectory of a couple of key people instead of including all the stories. Despite its flaws, it is an essential read for anyone interested in understanding the game of thrones played in the name of spirituality at the holy places.
January 23, 2022
Useless book. This book is a rather shallow perspective of the tantrik way of life. Ignore the rather lofty title of the book. The author looks at only a small section of sadhus and brands them all into 1 section.
November 29, 2019
Interesting and enlightening to read about how religion and politics are entwined in the war of hegemony !!
August 27, 2023
Little challenging to follow who are new to the terms. Nevertheless to know the world of ‘gangs of hindutva’ this is a must read book.
February 27, 2022
Quest for power and pelf are second nature to human beings. One may renounce the world yet they cannot renounce their quintessential nature. This book upends all that we know about asceticism as it finally boils down to people like us chasing money, power, status and posts while renouncing social order. It seems like they copied the world they renounced into the world they now live in. It is an eye opener about how the Hindu monastic world is changing fast. It seems like the “politics of religion” is the new “religion of politics”.
November 15, 2020
A very well researched book that goes in-depth on the past and present of the Naga Sadhus. The author covers the power play, inner dynamics and internal politics of various monastic orders. The impact and firm grip of RSS and VHP on various factions for their respective political gains is explained in quite detail in the book.
After reading this book my perspective on these monastic orders have changed. A very good read.
After reading this book my perspective on these monastic orders have changed. A very good read.
May 14, 2021
Unveils the politics of religion and highlights the role of the middlemen. An unminced narration of why and how the Sadhus 'gain' fame. A must read for all open minded Hindus who still considers the Sadhus as god-men ( or women ) to understand that the so-called institutional religion has nothing to do with God.
The book is informative. My only comment is it is written in a very dry manner.
The book is informative. My only comment is it is written in a very dry manner.
January 26, 2022
An account on doings of Political parties with Sadhus
Although it is normal in politics to utilise religious people, this book explains politics of monastic orders at another level in the scheme of saffron politics.
Although it is normal in politics to utilise religious people, this book explains politics of monastic orders at another level in the scheme of saffron politics.
October 4, 2019
Bloodier than Gangs of Wasseypur! 😮
June 25, 2020
This has to come to light, more people need to know about the people who steer these religious ships. They need to know where these are headed and why we need to stop plastering these sinking ships.
October 6, 2020
A realistic look at what the murky world of religion actually stands for. A brilliant book!
July 15, 2021
Eyeopener. Eyeopener. Eyeopener.
Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews